PROLEGOMENA.
I.--CONSTANTINE THE GREAT.
CHAPTER I. LIFE (1) § I. Early Years.
The Emperor Flavius Valerius Constantinus, surnamed
the Great, (2) born February 27, 272 or 274, (3 at Naissus, (4) was son
of Constantius Chlorus, afterwards Emperor, (5) and Helena his wife. (6)
He was brought up at Drepanum, his mother's home, (7) where he remained
until his father became
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Caesar (A.D. 292 acc. to Clinton) and divorced Helena (Anon. Vales. p.
471). He was then sent to the court of Diocletian, nominally to be
educated (Praxagoras, in Mailer, Fragm. 4 (1868); Zonar. 13. 1,
&c.), but really as hostage, (1) and remained with Diocletian, or
Galerius, until the year 306. (2) During this time he took part in
various campaigns, including the famous Egyptian expedition of
Diocletian in 296 (Euseb. V. C. 1. 19; Anon. Metroph., Theoph. p. 10).
(3) Shortly after joining the emperor he contracted (296 or 297) his
alliance with Minervina, (4) by whom he had a son, Crispus. (5) He was
at Nicomedia when Diocletian's palace was struck by lightning (Const.
Orat. 35), and was present at the abdication of Diocletian and Maximinus
in 305 (Lact. De M.P.c. 18 sq.). This last event proved a crisis for
Constantine. He had grown to be a man of fine physique (Lact. c. 18;
Euseb. V. C. 1. 19), of proved courage and military skill (cf. remarks
on physical characteristics under Character), and a general favorite
(Lact. 1.c.). He had already "long before" (Lact. c. 18) been created
Tribune of the first order. It was both natural and fitting that at
this time he should become Caesar in the place of his father, who
became. Augustus. Every one supposed he would be chosen (c. 19), and
Diocletian urged it (c. 18), but the princely youth was too able and
illustrious to please Galerius, and Constantine was set aside for
obscure, and incompetent men (cf. Lact.). His position was far from
easy before. His brilliant parts naturally aroused the jealousy and
suspicions of the emperors. They, or at least Galerius, even sought his
death, it is said, by tempting him to fight wild beasts (a lion, Praxag.
p. 3; cf. Zonaras 2, p. 623), or exposing him to special danger in
battle (cf. Philistog. 1. 6; Lact. c. 24; Anon. Vales. p. 471;
Theophanes p. 10--12, &c.). The situation, hard enough before, now
became, we may well believe, intolerable. He was humiliated,
handicapped, and even in danger of his life. He was practically a
prisoner. The problem was, how to get away. Several times Constantius
asked that his son might be allowed to join him, but in vain (Lact. c.
24; Anon. Vales. p. 471). Finally, however, Constantine gained a
grudging permission to go. It was given at night, and the emperor
intended to take it back in the morning (Lact. c. 24). But in the
morning it was too late. Constantine had left at once to join his
father. He lost no time either in starting or making the journey. Each
relay of post horses which he left was maimed to baffle pursuit (Anon.
Vales., Vict. Epit. p. 49; cf. Lact. c. 24, Praxag. p. 3). The rage of
the emperor when he learned of the flight was great but vain.
Constantine was already out of reach, and soon joined his father at
Bononia (Boulogne, Anon. Vales.; cf. Eumen. Paneg. (310), c. 7), (6)
just in time to accompany him on his final expeditions to Britain
(Eumen. Paneg. (310) c. 7; cf. Anon. Vales. 1.c.). Constantius died
shortly after at York (Anon. Vales. p. 471; Eutrop. 10. 1), having named
Constantine as his successor (Euseb. V. C. 1. 21; Eumen. Paneg. (310)
c. 7.; Lact. c. 24).
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§ 5. The First Five Years of Reign.
The will of the father was promptly ratified by the
soldiers, who at once proclaimed Constantine Augustus. (1) Supported by
them, and also by Erocus, king of the Allemanni (Vict. p. 49-50), he
sent his portrait to Galerius, claiming the title of Augustus. This the
emperor refused to grant, but, much against his will, allowed him to
have the title of Caesar (Lact. c.
Constantine did not insist on his fight to the greater title, but
waited his time, and in the interim contented himself with the lesser,--
as the coins show. (2) There was enough to do. After his father's death
he waged war against the Francs, and later against the Bructeri and
others (Eutrop. 10. 3; Paneg. (307) c. 4; Eumen. Paneg. (310) cc.
10-12; Nazar. Paneg. (321) 18; Euseb. V. C. 1. 25, &c.; cf. Inscr.
ap. Clinton 2. 93), and celebrated his victories by exposing his
captives to the wild beasts (Eutrop. 10. 3; Eumen. Paneg. (310)
c. 12; Paneg. (313) c. 23; cf. Nazar. Paneg. (321) c. 16).
Meanwhile affairs were marching at Rome, too. The
same year (306) that Constantine was elected Augustus by the soldiers,
Maxentius at Rome was proclaimed emperor by the Pretorian Guards
(Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes. p. 156; Anon. Vales. p. 472; Zos. 2. 9 ;
Socr. 1. 2; Oros. c. 26, &c. ; Lact. c. 26). He persuaded the
willing (Eutrop. 10. 2) Maximian to resume the imperial purple (Lact. c.
26; Zos. 2. 10), but soon quarreled with him (Socr. 1. 2; Eutrop. 10.
3; Zos.
11; Lact. c. 28). (3) In 307 Constantine and Maximinus were named "sons
of the emperors," and the following year were reluctantly acknowledged
as emperors by Galerius. Maximian, after he had quarreled with his son,
betook himself to Gaul and made alliance with Constantine by giving his
daughter Fausta in marriage (307). He proved an uncomfortable relative.
The much-abused mother-in-law of fiction is not to be compared with this
choice father-in-law of history. First he tried to supersede
Constantine by corrupting his soldiers. At his persuasion Constantine
had left behind the bulk of his army while he made a campaign on the
frontier. As soon as he was supposably out of the way, the soldiers were
won by largesses, and Maximian assumed the purple again. But he had
reckoned without his host. Constantine acted with decisive promptness,
returned by such rapid marches that he caught Maximian entirely
unprepared (Lact. c. 29) and drove him into Marseilles, where the
latter cursed him vigorously from the walls (Lact. c. 29), but was able
to offer no more tangible resistance. The gates were thrown open (Lact.
c. 29), and Maximian was in the power of Constantine, who this time
spared his precious father-in-law. (4) Grateful for this mildness,
Maximian then plotted to murder him. The plan was for Fausta to leave
her husband's door open and for Maximian to enter and kill Constantine
with his own hands. Fausta pretended to agree, but told her husband
(Zos. 2. 11 ; Joh. Ant. p. 603; Oros. c. 28), who put a slave in his own
place (but apparently did not "put himself in the place of" the slave),
had the program been carried out, and catching Maximian in the act,
granted him that supreme ancient mercy, -- the right to choose how he
would die (Lact. c. 30). (5)
Though in the midst of wars and plots, and liable at
any time to have to run from one end of his province to the other to put
down some insurrection, Constantine kept steadily at the work of
internal improvement, organizing the interior, fortifying the
boundaries, building bridges, restor-
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ing cities, building up educational institutions, &c. (1) At the
end of five years' reign (July 24, 311) he had reduced the turbulent
tribes, organized his affairs, and endeared himself to his people,
especially to the Christians, whom he had favored from the first (Lact.
c. 24), and who could hardly fail in those days of persecution to
rejoice in a policy such as is indicated in his letter to Maximinus Daza
in behalf of persecuted Christians (Lact, c. 37).
§ 3. State of Affairs in 311.
In the meantime, while the extreme west of the
empire was enjoying the mild rule of Constantine, the other corners of
the now quadrangular and now hexagonal world, over which during this
time Maximinus, Galerius, Licinius, Maximian, and Maxentius had tried to
reign, had had a much less comfortable time. Every emperor wanted a
corner to himself, and, having his corner, wanted that of some one else
or feared that some one else wanted his. In order clearly to understand
Constantine, a glimpse of the state of affairs in these other parts of
the empire, together with some idea of the kind of men with whom he had
to deal is essential, and may be gotten from
a brief view of (1) The rulers,
(2) Characters of the rulers, (3) Condition of the ruled. (1) The Rulers.
The intricate process of evolution and devolution of
emperors, mysterious to the uninitiated as a Chinese puzzle, is briefly
as follows: In 305 Diocletian and Maximian had abdicated (Lact. c. 18;
Eutrop. 9. 27; Vict. Caes.), Galerius and Constantius succeeding as
Augusti and Severus, Maximinus Daza succeeding them as Caesars (Lact. c.
19). In 306 Constantius died, Constantine was proclaimed Augustus by
his army, Maxentius by the Pretorian Guards (cf. above), and Severus by
Galerius (Lact. c. 25), while Maximian resumed the purple (see
above)--four emperors, Galerius, Severus, Maximian, and Maxentius, with
two Caesars, Constantine and Maximinus, one with a pretty definite claim
to the purple, and the other bound not to be left out in the cold. In
307 Licinius was appointed Augustus by Galerius (Lact. c. 29; Vict.
Caes.; Zos. 2. 11; Anon. Vales.; Eutrop. 10. 4), who also threw a sop
to Cerberus by naming Constantine and Maximin "sons of emperors" (Lact.
c. 32; Coins in Eckhel 8 (1838) 52. 3). Constantine was given title of
Augustus by Maximianus (?), and Maximinus about this time was forced,
as he said, by his army to assume the title. Meantime the growing
procession of emperors was reduced by one. Severus, sent against
Maxentius, was deserted by his soldiers, captured, and slain in 307
(Lact. c. 26; Zos. 2. 10; Anon. Vales.; Eutrop. 10. 2; Vict. Caes.
&c. &c.), leaving still six emperors or claimants,-- Galerius,
Licinius, Maxentius, Maximian, Maximinus, and Constantine. In 308,
making the best of a bad matter, Galerius appointed Constantine and
Maximin Augusti (see above), leaving the situation unchanged, and so it
remained until the death of Maximian in 310 (see above), and of Galerius
in May, 311 (Lact. c. 33; Vict. Caes., Vict. Epit.;
Zos. 2. 11) reduced the number to
four. (2) Characters of the Rulers.
Constantine's own character has been hinted at and
will be studied later. Severus was the least significant of the others,
having a brief reign and being little mentioned by historians.
Diocletian's characterization of him was, according to Lactantius (c.
18), as ejaculated to Galerius, "That dancing, carousing drunkard who
turns night into day and day into night." The average character of the
other emperors was that of the prisoners for life in our modern state
prisons. Galerius, "that pernicious wild beast" (Lact. c. 25), was
uneducated, drunken (Anon. Vales. p. 472); fond of boasting himself to
be the illegitimate son of a dragon (Lact. 9; Vict. Epit. p. 49), and
sanguinary and ferocious to an extraordinary degree (Lact. c. 9. 21, 22,
&c.). Licinius, characterized by "ingratitude" and "cold-blooded
ferocity," was "not only totally
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indifferent to human life and suffering, and regardless of any
principle of law or justice which might interfere with the gratification
of his passions, but he was systematically treacherous and cruel,
possessed of not one redeeming quality save physical courage and
military skill" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 784; compare Euseb. H. E.
10. 8; V. C. 1. 49-56), and "in avaricious cupidity worst of all"
(Vict. Epit. p. 51). Maximinus' character "stands forth as pre-eminent
for brutal licentiousness and ferocious cruelty--'lust hard by hate' "
(Plumptre, in Smith & W. 3, p. 872), and according to Lactantius, c.
38, "that which distinguished his character and in which he transcended
all former emperors was his desire of debauching women," He was cruel,
superstitious, gluttonous, rapacious, and "so addicted to intoxication
that in his drunken frolics he was frequently deranged and deprived of
his reason like a madman" (Euseb. H. E. 8. 14). Maximianus has been
thought to be on the whole the least outrageous, and his somewhat
defective moral sense respecting treachery and murder has been noted
(cf. above). He has been described as "thoroughly unprincipled . . .
base and cruel" (Ramsay, in Smith Dict. 2, p. 981). He is described by
Victor, (Epit. p. 48) as "ferus natura, ardens libidine," being
addicted to extraordinary and unnatural lust (Lact. c. 8). Truly a
choice "best" in this rogues' gallery. Of Maxentius it is said
(Tyrwhitt, in Smith & W. 3, p. 865): "His wickedness seems to have
transcended description, and to have been absolutely unredeemed by any
saving feature." He "left no impurity or licentiousness untouched"
(Euseb. H. E. 8. 14; cf. Eutrop. 10. 4; Lact. 9). He was marked by
"impiety," "cruelty," "lust," and tyranny (Paneg. [313] c. 4). He was
the most disreputable of all,-- unmitigatedly disreputable. With all due
allowance for the prejudice of Christian historians, from whom such
strong statements are mainly drawn, yet enough of the details are
confirmed by Victor, .Epit., the Panegyrists, Eutropius, and other
non-Christian writers to verify the substantial facts of the ferocity,
drunkenness, lust, covetousness, and oppression of this precious galaxy
of rulers.
(3) Condition of the Ruled.
Under such rulers there was a reign of terror during
this period which contrasted strangely with the state of things under
Constantine. Galerius was "driving the empire wild with his taxations"
(cf. Lact. c. 23 and 26), affording in this also a marked contrast with
the course of Constantine in Gaul. Maxentius led in the unbridled
exercise of passion (Euseb. H. E. 8. 14; cf. Lact, c. 18), but in this
he differed from the others little except in degree (compare Euseb. V.
C. 1. 55 on Licinius), and according to Lactantius (c. 28) he was
surpassed by Maximin. In brief, all did according to their own sweet
wills, and the people had to stand it as best they could. The worst was
that the oppression did not end with the emperors nor the friends and
officials to whom they delegated power to satisfy their desires at the
expense of the helpless. Their armies were necessary to them. The
soldiers had to be conciliated and exactions made to meet their demands.
They followed the examples of their royal leaders in all manner of
excesses and oppressions. No property or life or honor was safe.
The persecution of the Christians reached a climax
of horror in this period. The beginning of the tenth persecution was, to
be sure, a little before this (303), but its main terror was in this
time. Galerius and Maximian are said indeed to have persecuted less
during this period, and Maxentius not at all; but Galerius was the real
author and sanguinary promoter of the persecution which is ascribed to
Diocletian (Lact. c. 11), while Maximian was, in 304, the author of the
celebrated "Fourth Edict" which made death the penalty of Christianity,
and Maxentius was only better because impartial--he persecuted both
Christian and heathen (Euseb. V. C. 1. 33-6; H. E. 8. 14; Eutrop. 10.
4). (1) The persecution under Maximin was of peculiar atrocity (Euseb.
H. E. 8. 17; 9. 6, &c.; Lact. c. 26-27), so that the whole of this
period in the East, excepting a slight breathing space in 308, was a
terror to Christians, and it is said that "these two years were the most
prolific of bloodshed of any in the whole history of Roman persecu-
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tions" (Marriott, in Smith & W. 2, p. 594. It was not until the
very end of this period (1) that Galerius, in terror of death, issued
the famous first edict of toleration. (2) Such was the condition of
things in July, 311. The deaths of Severus in 307, Maximian in 310, and
Galerius in 311, had cleared the stage so far as to leave but four
Augusti, Licinius and Maximin in the East, Constantine and Maxentius in
the West. The only well-ordered and contented section of the world was
that of Constantine. In all the others there was oppression, excess, and
discontent, the state of things at Rome being on the whole the most
outrageous.
§ 4. Second Five Years.
This period was most momentous for the world's
history. Maxentius, seeking an excuse for war against Constantine, found
it in a pretended desire to avenge his father (Zos. 2. 14), and
prepared for war. (3) Like his father before him, however, he did not
know his man. Constantine's mind was prepared. He was alert and ready to
act. He gathered all the forces, German, Gallic, and British (Zos. 2.
15) that he could muster, left a portion for the protection of the
Rhine, entered Italy by way of the Alps (Paneg.), and marched to meet
the much more numerous forces of Maxentius,--Romans, Italians, Tuscans,
Carthagenians, and Sicilians (Zos. 2. 15). (4) First Sigusium was taken
by storm (Naz. Paneg. [321] C. 17 and 21; Paneg. [313] c. 5); then the
cavalry of Maxentius was defeated at Turin (Naz. Paneg. [321] c. 22;
Paneg. [313] c. 6). After a few days' rest in Milan Paneg. [313] c. 7)
he continued his triumphant march, defeating the enemy again in a
cavalry engagement at Brescia (Naz. Paneg. c. 25), and taking the
strongly fortified Verona after a hard-fought battle before the walls
(Anon. Vales. p. 473; Paneg. [313]; Naz. Paneg. c. 25-26). This had
taken him out of his way a little; but now there were no enemies in the
rear, and he was free to push on to Rome, on his way whither, if not
earlier, he had his famous vision of the cross. (5) He reached the Tiber
October 26. Maxentius, tempted by a dubious oracle (6) issued from
Rome, crossed the Tiber, and joined battle. His apparently unwise
action in staking so much on a pitched battle has its explanation, if we
could believe Zosimus
(2. 15), Eusebius ( V. C. 1. 38), Praxagoras, and others. His object
was, it is said, by a feigned retreat to tempt Constantine across the
bridge of boats which he had built in such a way that it could be
broken, and the enemy let into the river. (7) If it was a trick, he at
least fell into his own pit. The dissipated soldiers of Maxentius gave
way before the hardy followers of Constantine, fired by his own energy
and the sight of the cross. The defeat was a rout. The bridge broke.
Maxentius, caught in the jam, was cast headlong into the river (Anon.
Val. p. 473; Lact. c. 44; Chron. Pasch. p. 521, &c.); and after a
vain attempt to climb out on the steep bank opposite (Paneg. [313] c.
17), was swept away by the stream. The next day his body was found, the
head cut off (Praxag.; Anon. Vales. p. 473), and carried into the city
(Anon. Vales. p. 473) on the point of a spear (Paneg. [313] c. 18; Zos.
2. 17; Praxag. p. 1). Constantine entered the city
417
in triumph amid rejoicings of the people, (1) exacted penalties from a
few of those most intimate with Maxentius (Zos. 2. 17), (2) disbanded
the Praetorian Guards (Vict. Caes. p. 159; Zos. 2. 17), raised a statue
to himself, and did many other things which are recorded; and if he did
as many things which are not recorded as there are recorded things which
he did not do, he must have been very busy in the short time he
remained there. (3)
Constantine was now sole emperor in the West, and
the emperors were reduced to three. History was making fast. After a
very brief stay in Rome he returned to Milan (Lact. c. 45), where
Licinius met him (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Lact. c. 25; Vict. Epit. p. 50;
Zos. 2. 17, &c.). It had become of mutual advantage to these
emperors to join alliance. So a betrothal had been made, and now the
marriage of Licinius to the sister of Constantine was celebrated (cf.
refs. above Lact.; Vict.; Zos.; Anon. Vales.). At the same time the
famous Second Edict or Edict of Milan was drawn up by the two emperors
(Euseb. H. E. 10. 5; Lact. c. 48), and probably proclaimed. (4)
Constantine then returned to Gaul (Anon. Vales. p. 473; Zos. 11. 17),
where he was forced into another sort of strenuous warfare-- the
ecclesiastical, taking a hand somewhat against his will in trying to
settle the famous Donatist schism. (5)
Licinius had a more critical problem to meet.
Maximin thought it a good time to strike while Licinius was off in Milan
engaged in festivities (Lact. c. 45); but the latter, hastily gathering
his troops and pushing on by forced marches, met near Heraclea and
utterly defeated him (Lact. c. 46). Maximin fled precipitately,
escaping the sword only to die a more terrible death that same summer
(Lact. c. 49; Euseb. V. C. 1. 58; cf. Zos. 2. 17). (6) The death of
Maximin cleared the field still farther. Through progressive
subtractions the number of emperors had been reduced to two, -- one in
the East and one in the West.
They, too, promptly fell out. The next year they
were at war. Causes and pretexts were various; but the pretext, if not
the cause, was in general that Licinius proved an accomplice after the
fact, at least, to a plot against Constantine. (7) Whatever the
immediate cause, it was one of
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the inevitabilities of fate. Another vigorous campaign followed,
characterized by the same decisive action and personal courage on the
part of Constantine which he had already shown, and which supplied his
lack of soldiers. (1) First at Cibalis in Pannonia (Oct. 8), (2)
then in a desperate battle at Mardia, Licinius was defeated and forced
to make peace (Anon. Vales. p. 474; Zos. a. 19-20). The world was
re-divided between the affectionate brothers-in-law, and Constantine
took Illyrium to his other possessions. (3) After this battle and the
re-division there was a truce between the emperors for some years,
during the early part of which (in 316 or 315) the Decennalia of
Constantine were celebrated (Euseb. V. C. 1. 48).
§ 5. Third Five Years.
About the time of his decennial celebration, (4) his
sons Crispus and Constantine, and Licinius, son of Licinius, were made
Caesars. The peace between the emperors continued during the whole of
this period. There was more or less fighting with the frontier tribes,
Crispus, e.g., defeating the Franks in 320 (Naz. Paneg. c. 3. 17?), but
the main interest of the period does not lie in its wars. It was a
period of legislation and internal improvement (cf. Laws of
319, 320, 321, collected in Clinton, 1, p. 9; also De Broglie, I. 1,
296-97). Early in the period he was at Milan, where the Donatist matter,
which had been dragging along since 311, came up for final settlement
(cf. note, above). He was also at one time or another at Aries and at
Rome, but the latter and greater part of the period was spent mainly in
Dacia and Pannonia (cf. Laws, as above). The close of his fifteen years
was celebrated somewhat prematurely at Rome, in the absence of
Constantine, by the oration of Nazarius (cf. Naz. Paneg.).
§ 6. Fourth Five Years.
If the third period was relatively quiet the fourth
was absolutely stirring. There had undoubtedly been more or less
fighting along the Danube frontier during the preceding years, but early
in this period there was a most important campaign against the
Sarmatians, in which they were defeated and their king taken prisoner.
(5) In honor of this victory coins were struck (Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet.
8 (1827) 87). But this was only skirmishing; afterwards came the tug of
war. Nine years of peace proved the utmost limit of mutual patience, and
Constantine and Licinius came to words, and from words to blows. For a
long time Constantine had been vexed at the persecution of the
Christians by Licinius (cf. Euseb. H. E. 10. 8, 9), persecutions waged
perhaps with the express purpose of aggravating him. (6) Licinius, on
the other hand, naturally chagrined over the previous loss of territory,
knowing of Constantine's indignation over his persecutions, and perhaps
suspecting him of further designs, was naturally suspicious when
Constantine passed within his boundaries in pursuing the Sarmatians
(Anon. Vales. p. 474). Mutual recriminations and aggravations followed.
Licinius would not let the Sarmatian coins pass current and had them
melted down (Anon. Contin. Dio. Cass., in Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr.
4 [1868] 199). Altogether they soon came to blows. The steps were
short, sharp, decisive. Constantine defeated Licinius by land (July 3,
323), and through Crispus, by sea (Soz. 1. 7; Anon. Vales. p. 474-5;
Zos. 2. 22-3). After the defeat at Adrianople, Licinius retreated to
Byzantium (Zos. 2. 23-5; Vict.
419
Epit. p. 50), and then to Chalcedon (Anon. Vales. p. 475, Zos. 2.
25-6). Two months after the first victory (Sept. 18) a final and
decisive battle was fought at Chrysopolis (1) (Anon. Vales.
p. 475; Socr. 1. 4). Licinius surrendered on condition that his life
should be spared (Zos.
28), or rather Constantia secured from her brother the promise that his
life should be spared (Anon. Vales. p. 475; Vict. Epit. p. 50;
Pseudo-Leo, p. 85, &c.). He retired to Nicomedia, residing at
Thessalonica (Soz. 1. 7; Pseudo-Leo, &c.), but was put to death the
following year. (2) Constantine was now sole emperor. His first act
(Soz. 1. 8) was to issue a proclamation-in favor of the Christians (Soz.
l.c.; F. C. 2. 24- , and 48- ). This was followed by many other acts in
their favor, --building of churches, &c. (cf. Euseb. V. C., and
notes). From this time on he was much identified with Christian
affairs, and the main events are given in extenso by Eusebius (see
various notes). In 325 (June 19-Aug. 25) the Council of Nicaea was held
(cf. Euseb. V. C. 3. 6, and notes), and Constantine took an active part
in its proceedings. The same year his Vicennalia were celebrated at
Nicomedia (Euseb. V. C. 1. 1; Hieron.; Cassiod.) and the following year
at Rome also (Hieron., Cassiod., Prosper, Idat.), Constantine being
present at both celebrations, (3) being thus at Rome in July, and
passing during the year as far as Arles, apparently spending some time
at Milan (cf. the various laws in Clinton, v.
§ 7. Fifth Five Years.
The beginning of this period was the beginning of
the series of acts which have taken most from the reputation of
Constantine. Sometime in 326, perhaps while at Rome, he ordered the
death of his son Crispus. (4) The same year (Hieron. Chron.) the Caesar
Licinius, his sister's son, was put to death (Eutrop. 10. 6; Hieron.;
Prosper.), and shortly after (5) his wife Fausta died or was put to
death. (6) But apart from this shadow, the period was hardly less
brilliant, in its way, than preceding ones. It was a time of gigantic
and, as some said, extravagant internal improvements. Among various
enterprises was the refounding, in 327, of Drepanum, his mother's city,
as Helenopolis (Hieron. An. 2343; Chron. Pasch. p. 283(?); Socr. H. E.
1. 18; Soz. 2. 2; Theoph. p. 41), and greatest of all, the
transformation of the insignificant Byzantium into the magnificent
Constantinople, (7) which was dedicated in 330 (Idatius; Chron. Pasch.
p. 285; Hesych. § 42; Hieron.; cf. Clinton). (8) It was probably
during this period, too, that the work of improvement in Jerusalem was
undertaken, and Helena made her famous visit thither (Euseb. V. C. 3.
42; Soz. 21; Socr. 1. 17; Ephraem. p. 24: Theoph. 37-8, &c.).
§ 8. Sixth Five Years.
The main event of the last full five-year period of
this reign was the Gothic war (Hieron. An. 2347; Idat.; Oros. c. 28;
Anon. Vales. p. 476; Eutrop. 10. 7; Vict. Caes. p. 352; cf. Soz. 1. 26),
undertaken in behalf of the Sarmatians (Anon. Vales. l.c.), carried on
by Constantine II., and brought to an end April 20, 332 (cf. Clinton).
The following year (333) Constans was
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made consul (Idat.; Hieron.; Prosper has 332; cf. Zos. 2. 35; Vict.
Caes. p. 161, &c.), and in
334 the remarkable (Anon. Vales.) incorporation of 300,000 Sarmatians
into the empire (Anon. Vales. p. 476; Idat.; Hieron.; cf. Ammian. 17.
12, 18; 17. 13; 19. 12; V. C. 4. 6). This same year Calocaerus revolted
in Crete and was defeated (Anon. Vales. p. 476; Vict. Caes. p. 161;
Oros. c. 28; Hieron.). The following year (335) Constantine celebrated
his tricennalia, and Dalmatius was made Caesar (Idat.; Hieron. An. 340;
Vict. Caes. p. 161; Anon. Vales. p. 476; Chron. Pasch. p. 532; Vict.
Epit. p. 51; Oros. c. 28), making now four Caesars and a nondescript
(cf. Anon. Vales. p. 476),-- Constantine II., Constantius, Constans,
Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, among whom the world was now partitioned
(Anon. Vales. p. 476; Zos. 2. 39; Vict. Epit. p. 52).
§ 9. Last Years.
Later in this year, Constantine is known to have
been at Jerusalem, where he dedicated a church (V. C. 4. 40; Chron.
Pasch., but wrong year). It was also the year of the Synods of Tyre
(Athanas. c. Ar. 1. p. 788; V. C. 4.41; Theod. 1. 28). The same year, or
early in the following one, Eusebius pronounced his tricennial oration
(see Special Prolegomena). In 337 the Great Emperor died at Ancyrona,
near Nicomedia, just as he was preparing for an expedition against the
Persians, and was buffed in the Church of the Apostles, at
Constantinople (cf. notes on Eusebius' Life of Constantine). (1)
CHAPTER II. CHARACTER. § 1. Introduction.
A man's character consists of an inherited
personality enlarged, modified, or disfigured by his own repeated
voluntary acts. A sufficiently exhaustive survey of such character may
be made under the rubrics of: 1. Inherited characteristics. 2. Physical
characteristics. 3. Mental characteristics. 4. Moral characteristics. 5.
Religious characteristics.
The character of Constantine has been so endlessly
treated, with such utter lack of agreement, that it seems hopeless to
try to reach any dear results in a study of it. "Who shall decide when
doctors disagree?" "How shall I go about it to find what sort of a man
Constantine really was ?" Certainly nothing can be gained by that method
which chooses a few acts or characteristics to which shifting tests of
various philosophies are applied. Nor can any haphazard selection and
stringing together of traits give what is by its nature a synthesis of
them all. Like any other scientific study, the first condition of
method is that it be systematic. Then, a character generalization is
worth just so much, no more, as the grounds on which it is based. To
get a man's character from secondary sources, from other men's
generalizations, is a hopelessly will-of-the-wisp effort. Again,
another vice of characterization as usually practised is the
interpretation of the whole by a part rather than the part by the whole.
The individual act is thus made the standard of character. To get at
what this personality called Constantine was therefore requires a
systematic survey of the primary sources with a view to getting the
ensemble that the eccentric may be judged by the normal. In such survey
the main thing is the body of analyzed and grouped facts. The editor's
summary, like any summary, is worth only what the facts are worth. This
method, however imperfectly carried out, is at least better than
rambling observations of incoherent phenomena; and has therefore been
adopted in this attempt to find out what sort of a man this Constantine
was; Physically, Mentally, Morally, Spiritually.
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§ 2. Inherited Characteristics.
The fact of the inheritance of character, virtues or
vices as the case may be, curiously recognized in various nations and
ancient philosophies (cf. Ribot. Heredity, N.Y. 1875, p. 375-6), and
even in the ten commandments, has received the clearer exposition of
modern science. In view of it, a scientific study of character considers
antecedent generations. Biography rests properly on genealogy.
Constantine's father, Constantius Chlorus, was a man of great mildness,
self-possession, and philosophic virtue, just, and a Neo-Platonist of
the best type, a monotheist and philanthropist (cf. Sinclair, in Smith
& W. 1. 661-2). Constantine is said to have inherited his father's
strength, courage, personal appearance (Eumen. Paneg. c. 4), piety
(Pseud.Leo, p. 83; cf. Const. and Euseb. in V. C. 2. 49), and general
virtues. The slur of Zosimus on the character of Constantine's mother
seems to have been quite gratuitous. Her relation to Constantius was in
nowise incompatible with virtue, and the honor afterwards paid her,
along with the indisputable good early training of Constantine which
was with her, indicate a woman of unusual character. The later
enterprise and activity with the honors and responsibilities given her
show her to have been of very considerable energy and ability.
§ 3. Physical Characteristics.
A graphic picture of his personal appearance is
drawn by Cedrenus (p. 472-3). "Constantinus Magnus was of medium height,
broad-shouldered, thick-necked, whence his epithet Bull-necked. His
complexion was ruddy, his hair neither thick nor crisp curling, his
beard scanty and not growing in many places, his nose slightly hooked,
and his eyes like the eyes of a lion. He was joyous of heart and most
cheery of countenance." (1) Many points in this description are
confirmed by others, some apparently contradicted. Taken in detail, his
Height was probably above medium. Over against this statement of
Cedrenus (p. 472) that he was of middle height is that of the earlier
Malalas (13. 1 ), who, while confirming the ruddiness of complexion,
characterizes him as tall, and the explicit testimony of Eusebius, that
among those with Diocletian "there was no one comparable with him for
height" (V. C. 1. 19), and likewise among those present at Nicaea ( V.
C. 3- 10). But a "thick-necked" form hardly belongs to the strictly
"tall" man, and a thick neck and broad shoulders would hardly belong to
a form of "distinguished comeliness," if it were short (Lact. c. 18). It
may be supposed therefore that he can be described as above medium
height. Moreover, there would naturally have been more mention of height
by Lactantius and Panegyrists if it had been very extraordinary. In
respect of Countenance he was undoubtedly handsome. The "majestic
beauty of his face" mentioned by Theophanes (p. 29; cf. V. C. 1. 19; 3.
10) is confirmed by suggestions in the Panegyrists (e.g. Eumen. c. 17;
Naz. c. 24), and all general testimony, and not belied by the coins. His
Complexion was ruddy; "reddish" in the expression of Cedrenus (p. 272),
"fiery" in that of Malalas (13. 1). His Hair, rather thin and straight,
scanty Beard, and "slightly hooked" Nose are shown also by the coins,
where the nose varies from a pronounced Roman or ungraceful eagle's
beak to a very proportionate, slightly aquiline member. His Eyes were
lion-like (Cedren.), piercingly bright (Paneg. 313, c. 19; also
Eumen.). His Expression was bright and joyous (Cedren.), characterized
by "noble gravity mingled with hilarity" (Naz. Paneg. c. 24), by
"serenity" and "cheerfulness" (cf. Euseb. V. C. 3. 11 ). In brief, he
seems to have been a type of the sanguine temperament.
Added to his beauty of face was an unquestioned
beauty of form. His distinguished comeliness of Figure (Lact. c. 18) is
a favorite theme with his enthusiastic friend Eusebius, who says, "No
one was comparable with him for grace and beauty of person" (cf. Eumen.
c. 17; V. C. 1.
422
19; 3. 10), and that his figure was "manly and vigorous" (1. 20). The
broad Shoulders and thick Neck prepare one for the testimony to his
great bodily Strength. The feats of personal valor in combat with the
Sarmatian champions and the wild beasts (cf. above), his personal energy
in battle (e.g. before Verona; cf. above), much special testimony (e.g.
Eumen. Paneg. c. 4) and all the general testimony, show that the
superlative language of Eusebius is well grounded, and interpreted with
conservative imagination is to be taken as fact. According to him, "he
so far surpassed his compeers in personal strength as to be a terror to
them" (V. C. 1. 19), and in respect of Vigor of body was such that at
the Council of Nicaea his very beating showed that he surpassed all
present in "invincible strength and vigor"; while at the age of sixty
or upwards, "he still possessed a sound and vigorous body, free from
all blemish and of more than youthful vivacity; a noble mien and
strength equal to any exertion, so that he was able to join in martial
exercises, to ride, endure the fatigues of travel, engage in battle,"
&c. (Vict. 4. 53). In Bearing he was "manly" (V. C. 1. 20),
self-possessed, calm (V. C. 3. 11), dignified ("noble gravity," Naz. c.
24; of. Eumen. &c.), with "majestic dignity of mien" ( V. C. 3. 10)
and serenity ( V. C.
3. 10). In Manners he was "suave" (<greek>epieikhd</greek>)
( V. C. 3. 10) and "affable to all" ( V. C. 3. 13). This singular
affability was such, according to Lactantius (c. 18), as to endear him
greatly to his soldiers. Over against this, however, must be set the
statement of Victor, Epit. that he was "a scoffer [irrisor] rather than
suave [blandus]" (Vict. Epit. 51). But this seems rounded on a false
exegesis (cf. above) and withal there is no absolute contradiction.
Moreover, all his intercourse with bishops, deputies, soldiers,
citizens, barbarians, seems to have generally made a favorable
impression, and such success without affability of manner would have
been marvelous. In Dress his taste, late in life at least, became
somewhat gorgeous. If he were reigning to-day, the comic papers would
undoubtedly represent him, like some other good and great men, with
exaggerated red neckties and figured waistcoats. He "always wore a
diadem," according to Victor, Epit. (p. 51), and according to many
(Malal. 13. 7-8; Cedren.; Pseudo-Leo, &c.) "none of the emperors
before him" wore the diadem at all. Eusebius' description of his
appearance at the Council of Nicaea would do credit to a Washington
reporter on wedding-toilets; he was "clothed in raiment which glittered,
as it were, with rays of light, reflecting the glowing radiance of a
purple robe, and adorned with the brilliant splendor of gold and
precious stones" (V. C. 3. 10).
§ 4. Mental Characteristics.
According to his biographer-friend, Constantine was
even more conspicuous for the excellence of his psychical qualities than
his physical ( V. C. 1. 19). Among these qualities are natural
intelligence ( V. C. 1. 19), sound judgment ( V. C. 1. 19),
well-disciplined power of thought (Theoph. p. 29), and peculiarly, as
might be expected from his eye and general energy, penetration (Theoph.
p. 29). In respect of Education, it is said on the one hand that he
"reaped the advantages of a liberal education" (V. C. 1. 19), and
particularly that he was thoroughly trained in the art of reasoning (V.
C.); but according to Anonymous Vales. (p. 471), and also Cedrenus (p.
473), his literary education was scanty. If there was early lack, he
made up for it afterwards with characteristic energy, for he attained
very considerable erudition (of a sort) for an emperor, as is shown in
his Oration. According to Eutropius he was devoted to liberal studies.
According to Lydus he was skilled both in the science of letters and the
science of arms; for "if he had not excelled in both sciences, he would
not have been made emperor of the Romans" (Lydus, de Magist. 3.33), --a
somewhat subjective ground. Such was his devotion to study that,
according to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 20), "he sometimes passed sleepless
nights in furnishing his mind with divine knowledge." The measure of
his thoroughness may be gathered from the fact that his knowledge of
Greek even, does not seem to have been very extensive --" with which he
was not altogether unacquainted" ( V. C. 3. 13). His learning, as shown
in his orations, is the learning of a man of affairs, and has many
elements of crudity and
423
consequent pretentiousness; but he is no worse than many authors--much
better than most royal authors.
His learning had at least the excellent quality that
it was radiated with reference to expression, as all sound learning must
be. According to Eusebius, much of his time was spent in composing
discourses, many of which he delivered in public (K C. 4. 29), and he
continued to the last to compose discourses and to deliver frequent
orations in public.
The description by Eusebius of the character of his
orations (V. C. 4. 24) seems to forbid any assumption of pure vanity as
his motive. It is the most natural thing in the world that an emperor
should make speeches, and that he should speak on scholastic or
religious themes, and with the use of classical philosophy, mythology,
and literature, should be no surprise in the days of President Harrison,
Mr. Gladstone, and the Emperor William. There is no doubt he wrote and
spoke vigorously and effectively to hi soldiers, and on political and
judicial matters (witness his laws), and his learned literary
production is very fair amateur work, considering. In the Delivery of
his speeches he seems to have had self-possession and modesty of
manner, as e.g. at the Council of Nicaea, where "he looked serenely
around on the assembly with a cheerful aspect, and having collected his
thoughts in a calm and gentle tone . . . proceeded to speak" (V. C. 3.
11). His Literary style was somewhat inflated and verbose, but for
this, compare Special Prolegamena. His Patronage of learning showed his
interest in it. Following his father's example and continuing his work,
he encouraged the schools in Gaul (cf. above). Hosius and Eusebius were
his friends and counselors. He made Lactantius tutor to Crispus
(Hieron. Chron.). He had copies of the Scriptures made and distributed
(V. C. 3. 1). In short, he especially "encouraged the study of letters"
(Vict. Epit. 51) in every way.
§ 5. Moral Characteristics.
(a) In relations with events, things, or persons.
First of all, Constantine excelled in Energy, that fundamental of all
developed character. He was pre-eminent for masculine strength of
character (Theoph. p. 29), a man of energy (vir ingens, Eutrop. 10. 1).
This was manifested at every turn, in his successful military activity
under Diocletian, in the decisive acts at the time of leaving him, in
the prosecution of campaigns against Maximian, Maxentius, Licinius, in
the wholesale way in which he pushed internal improve merits, the
building of Constantinople, the multiplication of Christian houses of
worship, in his studies, in his law-making; in short, in everything he
touched there was the same teeming, resistless energy of the man. His
Determination was "bent on effecting whatever he had settled in his
mind" (Eutrop. 10. 5). His Rapidity of action when he rejoined his
father is described by Lactantius as incredible (Lact. c. 24). He showed
the same alacrity in his quick return and surprise of Maximian, in his
first entry into Italy, and in his campaign against Licinius. This
energy and activity rose to positive Impetuosity, which led him at
Verona, before Rome, and at Cibalis to plunge into the midst of battle,
communicating his own resistless, indomitable, alert will to do, to his
soldiers. Closely linked with these qualities was that personal Courage
and Valor, inherited from his father (Paneg. 307, c. 3), mentioned by
Eusebius ( K C. 1. 11), and explicitly or implicitly by almost every
one. This most indubitable of all his qualities was witnessed to even by
the scoffing Julian as "inexpressibly" great (Oral. p. 13), and
mentioned even in the work whose chief aim seems, almost, to detract
from Constantine (Caes. p. 23). United with all these characteristics of
greatness was a far-reaching Ambition. This on the one hand is
represented to be an ambition for power and glory. He was "exceedingly
ambitious of military glory" (Eutrop. 10. 7); "aspiring to the
sovereignty of the whole world" (Eutrop. 10. 5). According to Zosimus,
at the time of the appointment of Severus and Maximin, already having
his mind set on attaining royalty he was roused to a greater desire by
the honor conferred on Severus and Maximin, and this eager desire of
power was already well known to many. On the other hand, this ambition
is represented to be a burning zeal for righting wrongs; his
424
wars against Maxentius and Licinius real crusades, and his actual
objective in all things the reform to be effected. If the fruit proves
the motive, this was so; for he consistently used or tried to use his
power for what he thought public good. This he did in Gaul, after his
victories, in his legislation, and in his internal improvements.
In view of all this powerfulness of personality, it
may be said of all successes of this "man of power" (Eutrop. 10. 5) what
Eutropius says of his success in war, that it was great, "but not more
than proportioned to his exertions" (Eutrop.). With all this energy of
personality, however, he was far from being headstrong. On the
contrary, he showed marked Prudence, resembling his father in this also
(Paneg. 307, c. 3). Sustaining so long the delicate position at the
court of Diocletian, all his provision for guarding the frontiers, his
long-suffering in waiting to be confirmed Caesar, in waiting his
opportunity to meet Maxentius, in waiting and getting everything in hand
before meeting Licinius, his wise moderation in demand on the
conquered, and the not pressing forward until he had everything well
arranged, show this, and a high degree of Patience withal. This latter
virtue was peculiarly characteristic whether exercised in respect of
things or plans or people, and his great patience in listening to
complaints (Naz. c. 24) is only a part of the whole. As he was patient,
so he was distinguished for Perseverance, and "firm and unshaken"
(Theoph. p. 29) Steadfastness. So great energy united with these other
qualities barely needs testimony to suggest great Faithfulness to his
tasks in hand, as in that "strict attention to his military duties"
which Lactantius says (c. 18) characterized him as a young man. In
brief, his whole personality was a marked example of that balance of
power and the measuring of remote ends which is included under the word
Self-control, in the use of the philosophy of which he, as well as his
father, was a disciple. In this exercise of his great energy towards
himself he was recognized to be remarkable. This self-control was
manifested especially in his unusual Chastity. As a young man he was
marked by correct moral habits (probis moribus, Lact. c. 18). The
specific testimony of Eusebius to this (V. C.) would have comparatively
little weight on a point like this, and the same might be said, in a
measure, of the testimony of the Panegyrists (Naz. c. 24; 207, c. 4;
313, c. 4), who mention this virtue. But panegyrical art would forbid
the laudation of what was conspicuously lacking; rather it would not be
mentioned, and the general testimony goes to show at least a
contemporary reputation for extraordinary continence, considering his
time and environment. His relationship with Minervina hardly touches
this reputation, whether she was wife or only legitimate concubine. The
accusations and innuendoes of Julian, Caesars, have, in any fairly
critical estimate, hardly more than the weight of some malignant gossip
whose backbiting is from his own heart. "Honi soit qui mat y pense."
Like Licinius, he seems to have been unable to understand that purity of
heart which permitted the free companionship of women in social or
religious life. Julian's general charge of luxuriousness and sensuousness
(P. 43, 306, 25, 38, 42, &c.) must be regarded largely in the same
light; for this delight in soft garments, precious gems, games, and
festivities was, if we can judge aright, in no sense "enervating
pleasure and voluptuous indulgence": for he was indefatigable in studies
and works of all sorts, although it is perhaps to be referred to the
vanity and love of display of which he is accused, and of which more
later.
(b) In relations with people. In general he was
Amiable,--popular with the soldiers, popular even with his subdued
enemies (Eutrop. 10. 7). Diocletian reminded Galerius (Lact. c. 18) that
he was "amiable," and he must have been so; for he was "loved by
soldiers" (Eumen. c. 16), and so "endeared to the troops" that in the
appointment of Caesar he was "the choice of every individual" (Lact. c.
18). This popularity he indeed "sought by every kind of liberality and
obligingness" (Eutr. 10. 7.), but what he sought he found.
A very large element in this popularity was the
universal Mildness, Mercifulness, and Forbear-once which he showed. In
these is found a class of characteristics which stand alongside his
energy of character as peculiarly characteristic and great. "He whose
familiar habit it was to save men's lives" (V. C. 4. 6), as a young man
promised, in the opinion of Diocletian
425
(Lact. c. 18), to be "milder and more merciful than his father." Even
in the opinion of Julian he was "far more humane
(<greek>praoUerou</greek>), and in very many other respects
superior to others, as I would demonstrate if there were opportunity"
(Julian, Orat. p. 15); and he again (p. 96) speaks of him in laudatory
terms as contrasted with the other emperors. Eusebius, as might be
expected, is still stronger in expression, and sets Constantine "in
contrast with tyrants who were stained with blood of countless numbers,"
saying that in Constantine's reign "the sword of justice lay idle," and
men were "rather constrained by a paternal authority than governed by
the stringent power of the laws" ( K C. 3. 1). This mercifulness he
manifested on every occasion. "When Sigusium was on fire," he directed
greater effort towards saving it than he had to capturing it (Naz.
Paneg. c. 21). At the taking of Rome he punished a certain few only of
those most intimate with Maxentius (Zos.), and even Zosimus notes the
great joy and relief of people at the exchange of Constantine for
Maxentius. It is noticeable that in the inscriptions the epithet
"clementissimus," most rare of other emperors, is found a considerable
number of times of him. So great was this mildness of conduct that he
was "generally blamed for his clemency" (V. C. 4. 31), on the ground
that crimes were not visited with their proper penalties. The testimony
to this humaneness of character is almost unlimited and conclusive, but
there is more or less evidence which is urged in qualification or
contradiction. It is rather a common thing to say that he was at first
mild, but later pride of prosperity caused him greatly to depart from
this former agreeable mildness of temper (Eutrop.). Then the execution
of the various members of his own family (cf. discussion below), the
exposure of prisoners to the wild beasts (Eumen. Paneg. c. 12), his
severe decree against those who should conceal copies of the works of
Arius (Socr. 1. 9), his treatment of the Jews (Greg. Niceph., or at
least his laws), and the severe penalties of some of his laws are among
the points brought against him. But the remark of Eutropius is to be
interpreted by the "former agreeable mildness of temper," to which he
himself witnesses, and the fact that this latter period was that where
the points of view of the two men had widely diverged. The exposure of
prisoners to wild beasts was no evidence of cruelty in itself; for
under the customs then prevailing it might have been cruelty to his
subjects not to have done this, and his treatment of the barbarian
enemies is rather to be interpreted in the light of the testimony of
Eutropius that he "left on the minds of the barbarians [Goths] a strong
remembrance of his kindness" (10. 7). His treatment of his family is
discussed elsewhere, but whatever its bearings may be, there is no just
historico-psychological ground whatever for the use of the word which
is so freely bandied,-cruelty. Cruel he was not in any sense. Even the
extreme of the Panegyrist who says to him, "you are such by inheritance
and destiny that you cannot be cruel" (Eumen. Paneg. c. 14), is nearer
the truth. The penalties of his laws lay him open in a degree to a
charge of growing severity; but it was great, if sometimes mistaken and
overzealous, regard for what he deemed the public welfare, and on quite
a different plane from anything which we express as cruelty. Though
with the growing conservatism of a man who finds his purposes of mercy
continually perverted and his indulgences abused, he yet remained to
the end of his life most merciful and mild compared with those who went
before and who followed.
This fact becomes more clear in seeing how he
excelled in kindred virtues. The Patience already mentioned,
distinguished forbearance, and undoubted benevolence, or at least
generosity, are traits which group with mercy and have no fellowship
with cruelty. And these he had. He showed distinguished Forbearance, and
that oftentimes, as in a disturbance at Antioch, where he "applied with
much forbearance the remedy of persuasion" (V. C. 3. 59). The
outrageous conduct of those who, in the Arian disturbances, dared "even
to insult the statues of the emperor . . . had little power to excite
his anger, but rather caused in him sorrow of spirit" (V. C.
3' 4), "and he endured with patience men who were exasperated against
himself." These words are by Eusebius, to be sure.; but his conduct with
Donatists, Arians, Maximinianus, and Licinius, in individual and on the
whole, show that in fact he did habitually exercise great forbearance.
'To this was added much activity of positive Kindness. On first
accession he "visited with much
426
considerate kindness all those provinces" (V. C. p. 23). This kindness
was shown throughout his reign, and brightly illustrated in his
treatment of the persecuted Christians from the beginning,--in his acts
in Gaul, in his famous toleration edict, in his letter to Maximin, and
in his acts throughout. After his victory over Maxentius came the edict
that those wrongfully deprived of their estates should be permitted to
enjoy them again, . . . unjustly exiled were recalled and freed from
imprisonment (Euseb. V. C. 1. 41). After the victory over Licinius he
recalled Christian exiles, ordered restitution of property, released
from labor in mines, from the solitude of islands, from toil in public
works, &c., those who had been oppressed in these ways (V. C. p.
70-71). There is strong concensus of testimony to a very lovable
habitual exercise of this trait in his "readiness to grant hearing,"
"patience in listening," and "kindness of response" to those whose
complaints he had patiently listened to (Naz. 24). He was most excellent
(commadissimus) to hear embassies and complaints of provinces (Vict.
Epit. p. 51),--a testimony which is borne out by the facts. His
Generosity is equally undoubted. His magnificent gifts and largesses to
the army were still remembered in the time of Julian (Oral. p. 13). His
constant and lavish giving to the Christians is Eusebius' unending
theme: but it was not to the churches alone; for we read of his
munificence to heathen tribes (V. C. 2. 22), his liberality to the poor
(V. C. 1. 43) in giving money for clothing, provision for orphans and
widows, marriage portions for virgins, compensation to losers in law
suits (V. C. 4. 4). It was "scarcely possible to be near him without
benefit" (V. C. I. 43; cf. V. C. 3. 16; 3. 22; 4. 44).
Though slow to serve some friends through suspicion
(i.e. dubius thus explained), he was" exceedingly generous towards
others, neglecting no opportunity to add to their riches and honors"
(Eutrop. 10. 7). "With royal magnificence he unlocked all his treasures
and distributed his gifts with rich and high-souled liberality" (V. C.
3. I). He seems to have carried it rather to excess, even on the showing
of Eusebius. "No one could request a favor of the emperor, and fail of
obtaining what he sought. . . . He devised new dignities, that he might
invest a larger number with the tokens of his favor" (V. C. 4. 2). It
is worth giving the account by Eusebius of this conduct in full here.
He says (V. C. 4. 54) that this "was a virtue, however, which subjected
him to censure from many, in consequence of the baseness of wicked men,
who ascribed their own crimes to the emperor's forbearance. In truth, I
can myself bear testimony to the grievous evils which prevailed during
those times: I mean the violence of rapacious and unprincipled men, who
preyed on all classes of society alike, and the scandalous hypocrisy of
those who crept into the church. . . . His own benevolence and goodness
of heart, the genuineness of his own faith, and his truthfulness of
character induced the emperor to credit the professions of those
reputed Christians who craftily preserved the semblance of sincere
affection for his person. The confidence he reposed in such men
sometimes forced him into conduct unworthy of himself, of which envy
took advantage to cloud in this respect the luster of his character."
There seems, therefore, some ground for the charge of prodigality, that
he "wasted public money in many useless buildings, some of which he
shortly after destroyed because they were not built to stand" (Zos.),
and (Zos. p. 104) "gave great largesses to ill-deserving persons,
mistaking profusion for munificence" (<greek>Uhu</greek>
<greek>gar</greek> <greek>aswtian</greek>
<greek>hUeito</greek>
<greek>filotimian</greek>). Zosimus adds that to do this, he
"imposed severe taxes on all, so severe that fathers were obliged to
prostitute their daughters to raise the money, that tortures were
employed, and in consequence whole villages depopulated." This testimony
is, however, by one bitterly prejudiced, who regarded money spent on
Christian houses of worship as worse than wasted, and indicates only
what appears from Eusebius as well, that expenditures for cities,
schools, and churches built, and for other matters, must have been
enormous. But so, too, they were enormous under other emperors, and
Constantine, at least, instead of spending on debauchery, seems to have
had something to show for it. As to taxes, Zosimus would undoubtedly
sympathize with the Kentucky moonshiners in their "oppression" by
revenue officers, if he were here now and Constantine were President,
and would fulminate in the dally papers against the wicked party which
by its wicked tariff compels men to marry
427
their daughters to rich husbands in order to get their taxes paid,--and
incidental luxuries supplied. But that does not say that an exorbitant
tariff, to supply "jobs" which shall furnish rich "spoils" for those who
have "pulls" out of the pockets of the many, is good; yet this, in
modern phrase, is about what Constantine did. Constantine's trust in his
friends and generosity to the unworthy, with its consequences on the
tax-payers, reminds strikingly of some of our own soldier-presidents,
whom we love and admire without approving all their acts. And yet, on
the other hand, much of the expenditure was for solid improvement, and
could only be criticised by those who now oppose expenditures for navy,
for improved postal service, public buildings, subsidies, &c.;
though yet, again, his wholesale way of doing things also reminds one
of the large generosity of some modern politicians in their race for
popularity, with their Pension, Education, River and Harbor, and what
not liberalities out of the pockets of the people. But whatever
unwisdom may have been mingled, all this profusion shows in him a
generosity of character which was at least amiable, and in the main
genuine. His generosity took also the form of Hospitality, as shown by
his entertainings at the Council of Nicaea (V. C. 4. 49). With all
these qualities of amiable popularity there seems to have been joined a
yet more fundamental element, of permanent influence among men, in a
spirit of Justice so marked that the claim of the Panegyrist is hardly
too sweeping when he says that "all who took/refuge with him for
whatever cause he treated justly and liberally" (Paneg. 307. 5)--if
there is added "up to his light and ability." Closely linked with this
again is that" Unbending righteousness" of which Theophanes (p. 29)
speaks. And to all these qualities was added that synthesis of
qualities,--a remarkable Tact in his intercourse with men, a trait
typically exemplified in his conduct at the Council of Nicaea, where
"the emperor gave patient audience to all alike, and reviewed every
proposition with steadfast attention, and by occasionally assisting the
arguments of each party in turn, he gradually disposed even the most
vehement disputants to a reconciliation, . . . persuading some,
convincing others by his reasonings, praising those who spoke well, and
urging all to unity of sentiment, until at last he succeeded in
bringing them to one mind and judgment respecting every disputed
question" (V. C. 3. 13).
But success with men and popularity seem to have
opened that pitfall of success,--Vanity,-and it is charged that he fell
thereinto, although there is testimony to the exact contrary. According
to Victor (Epit. p. 51) he was "immeasurably greedy of praise." This
agrees with, and is at the same time modified by Eutropius' testimony to
his ambition for glory and for honorable popularity (10. 7), and his
apparently complacent reception of the outrageous flattery of Optatian
(cf. his letter), seems at least to show some weakness in this
direction. So again his tendency toward Magnificence, as shown in his
assuming the diadem and his dress in general (cf. above), in the
splendor of banquets as witnessed by his approving friend (V. C. 3. 15
), his desire to do on a large scale whatever he did, whether in the
building of cities or splendid houses of worship, or in book-binding
ornamentations of pearls and gems. And yet again it is shown in what
seems at this distance his Conceit, sublime in its unconsciousness in
reckoning himself a sort of thirteenth, but, it would seem, a facile
princeps apostle, in the disposition for his burial, "anticipating with
extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would share their title with
the apostles themselves. . . . He accordingly caused twelve coffins to
be set up in this church, like sacred pillars, in honor and memory of
the apostolic number, in the centre of which his own was placed, having
six of theirs on either side of it" (V. C. 4. 60). One can seem to read
in this a whole history of unblushing flattery, and it reminds that
Eunapius (Vic. aedes. p. 41) has spoken of his pleasure in the
stimulant of "intoxicating flattery." Still it is not to be supposed
that this was a peculiarly weak vanity or an absorbing one. The
testimony to his Modesty (V. C. 3. 10), though by Eusebius, is too
circumstantial to be wholly unreal, and the testimony to his Humility in
his "indignation at excessive praise" (V. C. 4. 48), and the records of
Eusebius that he "was not rendered arrogant by these plaudits nor
uplifted by the praises" (Euseb. V. C. 1. 39), and of the Chronicon
Paschale (p. 521) that "he was not at all puffed up by the
acclamations," evidently represent a
428
genuine thing. This mixed character is too frequently met with to be
incomprehensible. Real power, recognizing its own success, glad of the
recognition of others, not at bottom because of cold vanity, but from
warm appreciation of human friendliness, became through success in
carrying out what seemed to him, and were, divine plans, fired with the
thought that he was the especial and necessary minister of God, that his
thoughts and will were directly touched by the Divine Will and thus
that whatever he thought or willed was infallible. He is not unlike some
modern rulers. The spirit, though one of real vanity, or egotism at
least, has an element of nobleness in it, and in most of its
manifestations commands respect along with the smile. The accusation of
Zosimus of Arrogance "when he had attained to the sole authority," and
that he "gave himself up to the unrestrained exercise of his power,"
must be interpreted like those of other un-Christian witnesses, in the
light of the fact that his actions worked relative hardships to the
non-Christians, and that very justice to the Christians would seem
injustice to them, and if Constantine was more than just, his generosity
was at some one's expense. His energy of execution and constant
success, with his dominating idea of a Divine mission, would naturally
engender this faith in his own infallibility; for what is arrogance but
this vanity joined with power? His action toward
schismatics--Donatists, Arians, or orthodox troublers of his peace--was
such as to suggest some degree of this vice. Yet his success in keeping
the followers of the old religion fairly mollified, and his generally
successful tact, showed that this was in no sense a dominating and
unrelieved characteristic. Two other weaknesses closely allied with
these are also imputed to Constantine: Jealousy, as illustrated by the
statement that "wishing to minimize the deeds of his predecessors, he
took pains to tarnish their virtues by giving them jocose epithets"
(Dion. Cont. 2 [Muller, p. 199]; cf. Vict. Epit. p. 51), and
Suspiciousness (Eutrop. 10. 7); for which latter, a man who had survived
as many plots as he had, might well be excused. Again and again and
again he trusted men, and they deceived him. His conduct with Maximian
shows that at least in the beginning, before he had had so much
experience of untrustworthiness, he was remarkably free from this. A
much more serious charge is that of Faithlessness preferred by Zosimus,
who says (2. 28), "in violation of his oaths (for this was customary
with him) "and twice repeats the charge. Eusebius, on the other hand,
tells what great pains Constantine took not to be the one to break
peace with Licinius (V. C.). One is worth as little as the other. The
charge seems to rest mainly or wholly on his conduct towards Licinius,
in beginning war and in putting him to death. A small boy once held a
smaller boy in a firm grip, but agreed to spare him the cuffing he
deserved because he was smaller. The smaller small boy promptly set his
teeth in the leg of the larger small boy, and was properly cuffed for
it. Thereupon the smaller small boy's big brother was filled with
indignation, which he manifested by seeking and finding the same fate.
The indignation in behalf of Licinius seems to be in large measure big
brother indignation--indignation with the wrong party. He appears to
have been one of those who held a compact to be binding on the other
party only. It wasn't in the bargain that he should persecute the
Christians, or in the other bargain that he should plot his
benefactor's overthrow. That king in Scripture who took back his
promise to forgive a debt of ten thousand talents was not faithless.
(c) In relations with his family. He was a filial
Son, having the confidence of his father, as shown in his wish of
succession, and showing his mother all honors when he came to power (cf.
coins showing her position as empress, and V.C.). "And well may his
character be styled blessed for his filial piety as well as on other
grounds" (V. C. 3. 47).
It is in this relation to his family, however, that
the most serious attacks on the character of Constantine have been made.
Eutropius says: "But the pride of prosperity caused Constantine greatly
to depart from his former agreeable mildness of temper. Falling first
upon his own relatives, he put to death his son, an excellent man; his
sister's son, a youth of amiable disposition; soon afterwards his wife;
and subsequently many of his friends." This has been a battle-ground of
accusation or excusation in all the centuries. The testimony is very
meagre and uncertain, but this much may be said: 1. That any jury would
regard the fact of deaths as evidenced. It is
429
witnessed by Eutrop. (10. 6), Zos., Vict., Hieron., &c. 2. That he
was unjustifiable is not proven. In respect to the death of Fausta, at
least, there was probably just cause; whether love intrigue or other
intrigue, there seems to have been some real occasion. The death of
Crispus, too, was from no mere suspicions, but on apparently definite
grounds of distrust. It is historical assumption to say that he had no
good grounds, whatever these may have been--illicit relationship with
Fausta or more probably political intrigue. At the worst, he was put to
death on false but, at the time, apparently true accusation: what has
been done by judges and juries of the best intention. (1) Of Licinius,
his sister's son, it can hardly be said that he had the same reason, as
he was still a boy. But remembering the inherited character of Licinius,
and noticing the curious fact that the cordiality between Constantia
and Constantine was peculiarly great to the end, it seems as if there
must have been some mitigating circumstance. (2) In all historical
candor it looks as if there had been some general intrigue against
Constantine which had been met in this way; but the fairest verdict to
enter is "causes unknown."
In estimating the characteristic value of the acts
it must be noted, (1). That it has in no sense the character of private
execution. The emperor was judge. Even if he mistook evidence and put to
death an innocent man, it was as when a judge does the same. 2. That
the relative moral character of punishments inflicted is conditioned by
the custom of punishment. An English judge of the past was not as cruel
in hanging a man for theft, as a modern one in applying the extreme
penalty of the law to an offense with mitigating circumstances, would
be. 3. That all law of evidence, all rhyme and reason, says that any
man's any act is to be interpreted in the light of his general
character. Where evidence is lacking or doubtful, such evidence of
general character has actual weight, and may be conclusive. In
application to these acts note (a) The peculiar forbearance which
Constantine exercised toward Maximian. (b) The conclusive universal
testimony to the general mildness of his character and his habitual
mercifulness. In view of this, it is to be judged that there was some
real, or appearing, great ground of judicial wrath. 4. That Constantine
had suffered from plots on the part of his own relatives over and over
again, and spared, and been plotted against again, as in the cases of
Maximian, Bassianus, and Licinius. 5. That they were not put to death
"in a gust of passion" at once, but in successive acts. In view of these
things it is fair and just to say that they were put to death on
grounds which seemed just and for the welfare of society, and their
deaths in no sense indicate cruelty or unnaturalness on the part of
Constantine. Even the death of Licinius must be interpreted by the
political ethics of the times and its circumstances. So long as
sentimentalists continue to send bouquets to murderers and erect
monuments to anarchists, they will regard execution, even legal
execution, as prima facie evidence of cruelty, and the killing of a
murderer in self-defense, or the hanging of a traitor, as crime.
Constantine's whole character ensures that if he thought he could have
spared them, or any one, with safety, he would have done so. (3)
In general he was a faithful husband as respects
marital virtue, and a good father. He took care that his children should
be well educated. Crispus was under Lactantius (Hieron.), and the
others perhaps under Arborius ("Auson. de Prof. Burdig. 16"); at all
events, he had the most accomplished teachers of secular learning to
instruct in the art of war, and in political and legal science (V. C.
4. 51), and both by his own instruction and that of men of approved
piety, took special pains with their religious training. He early
appointed them to offices of authority, and distributed the empire among
them.
430
(d) In relations with friends. His general conduct
toward his friends was marked by very great liberality (cf. above).
Eutropius speaks emphatically of this even while he uses the expression
which has been such a puzzle to all, that "toward some of his friends he
was double" (or dangerous), a phrase which is interpreted by Johannes
Ant. as meaning "to some of friends false (unsound,
<greek>upoulwd</greek>) and unsafe (unwholesome,
<greek>ouk</greek> <greek>uUipd</greek>)" (ed.
Muller 4. p. 602-3). His uniform effort to please his friends has been
discussed above.
(e) In relations with society. 1. As General he
seems to have been popular with his own soldiers (cf. above), inspiring
them with enthusiasm and energy. Toward hostile soldiers he was merciful
(cf. above), not following up an advantage further than was necessary,
and toward conquered enemies unusually forbearing; e.g. at Sigusium, at
Rome, with Maximian, with Licinius, and with the Goths (cf. above). His
generalship is characterized by careful provision for the guarding of
his rear, and by rapidity of movement and dash in actual conflict. 2.
As Legislator he "enacted many laws, some good, but most of them
superfluous, and some severe" (Eutrop. 10. 8). He seems to have had a
weakness for law-making which, at all events, shows a characteristic
respect for law little shared by his early contemporaries. Of course
Eutropius would consider all laws in favor of Christians superfluous.
Laws for the abolition of idolatrous practices, for the erection of
Christian houses of worship, observance of the Lord's Day (V. C. 4.
23), permitting cases to be tried before bishops (Soz. 1. 9; Euseb. H.
E. 10. 7; Cod. Theod. Tit. de episc. &c., would surely seem so. But
even in other laws Constantine seems to have had at times an abnormal
zeal for law-making, when his energies were not occupied in war or
church-building. The laws were generally wise and, at the least,
benevolently or righteously meant. Such were the abolition of
crucifixion (Vict. Caes.) and of gladiatorial shows ( V. C. 4. 25;
Socr. 1. 8; C. Theod. 15. 12. 1), the law that the families of slaves
were not to be separated (C. Theod. 2.25), that forbidding the
scourging of debtors (C. Theod. 7.3), and that repressing calumny
(Vict. Epit. 51). Among the "severe" laws were such as punished certain
forms of illicit intercourse with death.
3. As Statesman his policy was broad and far-reaching. He fully
organized and carefully established one section of his territory before
he enlarged. He changed the whole constitution of the empire, both civil
and military (cf. Wordsworth, in Smith & W.). He inaugurated
reforms in finance, and especially was most assiduous in the matter of
internal improvements, restoring and building from one end of the empire
to the other. The great characteristic consummation of his reign was
the union of Church and State, over which men are still divided as to
whether it was a tremendous blessing or a tremendous curse. Tremendous
it surely was in its shaping power on world history. (Compare numerous
titles under Literature.) The general statement of Eutropius that "in
the beginning of his reign he might have been compared to the best
princes, in the latter part only to those of a middling character,"
must be interpreted by the fact that during the latter part of his
reign he was so associated with Christianity, in itself a falling away
in the eyes of the old religionists. His reign was one of order and
justice such as few were, and an order out of chaos, a reign in which
it could be peculiarly said that "chastity was safe and marriage
protected" (Naz. c. 38), where a man's life and property were secure as
under few of the Roman emperors. It is idle to refuse the title of
Great to a man who, from the beginning, followed a consistent, though
developing policy, organized the interior, and securely guarded the
frontier of his empire at each enlargement, and finally unified the
whole on such a basis as to secure large internal prosperity and
development.
§ 6. Religious Characteristics.
Was Constantine a Christian? This vain question has to be considered,
hardly discussed. The interminable opinions, one way or the other, are
for the most part wise-seeming, meaningless generalizations. Like any
generalized statement, it is conditioned by the point of view of the
author. When ten men answered the question "What is a Christian?" in ten
different ways, who
431
shall say what any one is? This has been the difficulty. One does not
conceive of Christianity apart from baptismal regeneration. The question
has then narrowed to one of baptism. Constantine was not a Christian
until just before his death. Another has some other test. Another is
not a Christian himself, and so on. A good Biblical, Protestant
starting-point is to say he was a Christian as soon as he believed in
Christ, and that the evidence of faith is in confession and action.
Already, before his campaign into Italy, he seems to have been in
intimate contact with the Christians. Hosius was probably already one
of his advisers. The young emperor had inherited his father's piety
(Paneg. 307, c. 5), and was inclined to monotheism. The words of
advisers must have made him think at least, and he seems to have made a
sort of test of believing at the time of the famous "vision of the
cross," whatever that may have been. Judging from the way men think and
feel their way to faith, it seems psychologically probable that, feeling
his way along to that point, he tried faith and, having success, he
substantially believed from that time on. Certainly from a very early
period after this, the evidences begin to be clear and increasingly so
as presumably his faith itself became more clear and fixed. The account
in Eusebius of the process of thought by which he inclined toward
Christianity has the greatest plausibility. He says that "considering
the matter of Divine assistance, it occurred to him that those who had
relied on idols had been deceived and destroyed, while his father . . .
had honored the one Supreme God, had found him Saviour, &c . . . .
he judged it folly to join in the idle worship of those who were no
gods . . . and felt it incumbent on him to honor no other than the God
of his father." The nature of the vision of the cross, whether a
miracle, a natural phenomenon, or only a dream, does not affect the
probability of the account by Eusebius of what followed it (V. C. 1.
32). "At the time above specified, being struck with amazement at the
extraordinary
vision, and resolving to worship no other God save him who had appeared
to him, he sent for those who were acquainted with the mysteries of his
doctrines, and inquired also what God was. . . . They affirmed that he
was God, the only begotten Son of the one and only God," and he
thereupon "made the priests of God his counsellors and deemed it
incumbent on him to honor the God who had appeared to him, with all
devotion." According to Sozomen, "it is universally admitted Constantine
embraced the religion of the Christians previous to his war with
Maxentius and prior to his return to Rome and Italy; and this is
evidenced by the dates of the laws which he enacted in favor of
religion" (Soz. 1. 5; cf. 1. 3). Philostorgius (1. 6), "in conformity
with all other writers," ascribes to the victory over Maxentius
(Photius. Epit.). This is confirmed, too, by the remark of the
Panegyrist (313, c. 4; cf. c. 2 and c. 11), that he conducted the war by
Divine instruction, and the famous inscription on the triumphal arch,
"instinctu Divinitatis." According to Augustine he was at the time of
the petition of the Donatists, "mindful of the hope which he maintained
in Christ" (August. contra litt. Petil. Bk. II. c. 92, p. 205).
The tales of his baptism at this time, or by
Sylvester at all, are pure fables (cf. under The Mythical Constantine),
but it appears from antecedent probability, from testimony, and from his
early subsequent identification with the Christians that he became
fairly convinced at this time. His letters concerning the council at
Aries, to be sure, have little direct evidence, but enough to show that
he regarded the Christian religion as the worship of that one supreme
God, and in them Hosius was already his trusted adviser. But in his
letters to Chrestus (314) he speaks of those who are "forgetful of their
own salvation and the reverence due to the most holy faith," and if his
letter to the bishops after the council at Aries--a letter full of
expressions like "Christ the Saviour," "brethren beloved," "I who
myself await the judgment of Christ," "our Saviour"1--be genuine,
Constantine was well advanced in his commitment in 314; but whether it
is or not,
432
the fact of his Christian advisers, of his laws in behalf of
Christians, and various substantial favors to them, his recognition of
their God as his one God, makes it almost idle to discuss the question.
Was Constantine a Christian in 314? What is a Christian? He seems to
have been. The type was that of many a business-man church-member of
to-day--Christians, but neither over-well-instructed, nor dangerously
zealous in the exercise of his faith. It must be remembered that during
these earlier years his confession of his faith and identification of
himself with the Christians was conditioned by his relation to the old
religion. Such a change was a radical novelty. His position was not yet
secure. He had to use his utmost tact to keep all elements in hand. He
was conditioned just as a modern Christian emperor or president, a
majority of whose political advisers and subjects or electors are
non-religious. He had great problems of political organization to
effect, and was immersed in these. The only matter of surprise is that
he grew so rapidly. There is no ground whatever for supposing that he
dissembled to the end, or even at all. To say that his retaining the
title of pontifex maximus, or making concessions respecting the old
worship, or allowing soothsayers to be consulted, or even the
postponement of his baptism, indicate this, is critical absurdity in the
face of evidence. (1) Testimony, both heathen and Christian, to the
openness of his action is complete, and the testimony of his acts--such,
e.g., as the law for the observance of Sunday--conclusive. Later, at
least, he "most openly destroyed temple worship and built Christian
houses of worship" (Eunap. Vita [?]des. 37, ed. Boiss. p. 20). From the
defeat of Licinius on, edicts, letters, speeches, acts of all sorts,
testify to a most unequivocal adoption of the Christian religion.
Eusebius hardly overstates in saying that "he maintained a continual
testimony to his Christianity, with all boldness and before all men,
and so far was he from shrinking from an open profession of the
Christian name, that he rather desired to make it manifest to all that
he regarded this as his highest honor" (V. C. 3. 2). Really the
question whether he considered himself, or was considered, a Christian
at and after the time of the Council of Nicaea is too idle even to
mention, if it had not been gravely discussed. In the opinion of the
bishops there he was "most pious" and "dear to God" (E.P. synod. in
Socr. 1. 9; Theodoret, 1. 8). On his part, letters are full of pious
expression and usually begin or end or both with "beloved brethren." To
the council itself he describes himself as "fellow-servant" of "Him who
is our common Lord and Saviour." Another more considerable position is
that all that indisputable external connection with Christianity was
pure political expediency, that he was a shrewd politician who saw which
way the wind was blowing, and had skill to take advantage of it. That
Constantine was not a Christian in the strict sense even to the end of
his life was the position of Keim. Burckhardt regards him as a pure
politician, without a touch of Christian life. Brieger (1880) says we
have not grounds to decide either way, whether he was "a godless
egoistic fatalist or had a more or less warm religious or even Christian
interest," but that the fixed fact is, that it was not because of his
inner belief in the Christian religion that he showed favor to the
Christians. In a brief attempt to get some basis in the sources, the
enthusiastic testimony of Eusebius and other writers, explicit as it
is, may be quite disregarded, even the testimony to facts, such as his
practice of giving thanks (V. C. 1. 39), of invoking Divine aid (Euseb.
V. C. 2, 4, 6, 13; Soz. 2. 34), of his erecting a place of prayer in
his palace (Soz. 1. 8), of his fasting (K C. 2.41), of his having a
stated hour of prayer (V. C. 4. 22), although all these are
interesting. The documents, however, unless by supremely uncritical
rejection, can be regarded as fundamental sources. A brief analysis of
these, even though imperfect, will furnish grounds on the basis of which
those who apply various tests may apply them. Starting from his faith
in Christ, surely the center of Christianity, he believed Christ to be
Son of God, "God and the Son of God the author of every blessing"
(S.C.), the revealer of the Father, who has "revealed a pure light in
the person of Thy Son . . . and hast thus given testimony concerning
Thyself" (S.C. 1), proceeding from the Father (S.C.), and incarnate, his
incarnation having been pre-
433
dicted also by the prophets. He believed this Son of God to be his
Saviour (Ad Tyr., Ad Ant., Ad Euseb., &c.) "our common Lord and
Saviour" (Ad Euseb.), "our Saviour, our hope, and our life" (Ad eccl.
Al.). He believed in his miraculous birth (S.C.) and in his death for
our deliverance (Ad Nic.; cf. Ad Mac. &c.), "the path which leads to
everlasting life" (S.C. 1), "a precious and toilsome" work (Ad Euseb.),
and in his ascension into heaven (S.C. 1). He believed in "God the
Father" (Ad Euseb. 2), "Almighty" (Ad Euseb.), Lord of all (Ad Euseb.
2), and the Holy Ghost (Ad eccl. Al.; cf. S. C.). He believed in
"Divine Providence" (Ad Eccl. Al.; Ad Alex. Ar.; Ad. Euseb. 1),
God the preserver of all men (Ad Alex. et Ar.), who sees all things (Ad
Syn. Nic.), who is near us and the observer of all our actions (S. C.),
and "under the guidance of whose Almighty hand" he is (Ad Prov. Pal.),
that all things are regulated by the determination of his will (Ad
Euseb.). He believed in the existence of a personal devil (Ad Eccl.
Al.). He believed in the future life (Ad Prov. Pal.), "the only true
life" (S.C. 12), the "strife for immortality" (Ad Euseb.), to which
those may aspire who know Him (S. C. 12). He believed in future rewards
and punishments (Ad Pray. Pal.; S. C. 23). He believed in the
inspiration of the Scriptures (Ad Eccl. Al.). He loved God (Ad Euseb. 2;
V. C. 2.55), and considered it his chief work in life to glorify Christ
(S. C.). He loved his fellow-men, being disposed "to love you with an
enduring affection" (Ad Ant.; V. C. 3.60, &c.), and recognized it
as virtue in others (8, c. 11). To him, God, in general, is the source
of all blessings (Ad Pray. Pal.; S.C., &c.). "I am most certainly
persuaded," he says, "that I myself owe my life, my every breath, in
short, my very inmost and secret thoughts to the favor of the Supreme
God" (Ad Pray. Pal.). He recognizes contrition as a requisite for
pardon (Ad. Pray. Pal), and that it is the power of God which removes
guilt (Ad Euseb.). In the conduct of life. "Our Saviour's words and
precepts are a model, as it were, of what our life should be" (Ad.
Ant.; V. C. 3. 60).
Expositions of his doctrinal and ethical positions
might be multiplied almost without end from the many and fruitful
sources, but a few specimens in his own expression will best show the
spirit of his religious life. A most suggestive and beautiful sketch of
Christ's ministry on earth too long to quote here may be found in his
Oration (ch. 15), but the following selections will give the idea:
A description of the inner Christian life. "For the
only power in man which can be elevated to a comparison with that of God
is sincere and guiltless service and devotion of heart to Himself, with
the contemplation and study of whatever pleases Him, the raising our
affections above the things of earth, and directing our thoughts, as
far as we may, to high and heavenly objects" (S.C. 14).
A description of the outer Christian
life. "Compare our religion with your own. Is there
not with us genuine concord, and unwearied love of others? If we reprove
a fault, is not our object to admonish, not to destroy; our correction
for safety, not for cruelty? Do we not exercise not only sincere faith
toward God, but fidelity in the relations of social life? Do we not
pity the unfortunate? Is not ours a life of simplicity which disdains
to cover evil beneath the mask of fraud and hypocrisy?" (S.C. 23).
A prayer. "Not without cause, O holy God, do I
prefer this prayer to Thee, the Lord of all. Under Thy guidance have I
devised and accomplished measures fraught with blessing: preceded by Thy
sacred sign, I have led Thy armies to victory: and still on each
occasion of public danger, I follow the same symbol of Thy perfections
while advancing to meet the foe. Therefore have I dedicated to Thy
service a soul duly attempered by love and fear. For Thy name I truly
love, while I regard with reverence that power of which Thou hast given
abundant proofs, to the confirmation and increase of my faith" (Ad prov.
Or.).
A confession of faith in God and in Christ. "This
God I confess that I hold in unceasing honor and remembrance; this God I
delight to contemplate with pure and guileless thoughts in the height
of his glory." "His pleasure is in works of moderation and gentleness.
He loves the meek and hates the turbulent spirit, delighting in faith.
He chastises unbelief" (Ad Sap.).
434
"He is the supreme judge of all things, the prince of immortality, the
giver of everlasting life" (S.C. 36).
Was Constantine a Christian? Let each one apply his
own test.
§ 7. General Characterization.
Before trying to gather into continuous statement
the traits of character which have been examined, a few general
characterizations must be mentioned at least. Beginning at the bottom,
the unfriendly, or hostile, or at the least unsympathetic, heathen
testimonies generalize him as at least relatively and on the whole both
great and good. The general tendency of heathen testimony is to
represent him as admirable in the early part of his reign, but
execrable, or less admirable, in the latter part; that of Christian
writers is to represent a growth of excellence, which raises him to
saintship at the end. This is most natural. Favoring Christianity was
itself a moral fall to a heathen, and bestowing money on Christians
would be robbery. The turning of his character was with his changing
face towards Christianity, and culminated in the overthrow of Licinius.
Licinius fought really as the champion of heathenism. The adherents of a
lost cause are characterizing their victor. It is like an
ex-Confederate characterizing Lincoln or Grant. The point of view is
different. Honest and true men in the South thought Lincoln a curse, and
often in popular verdict his character was "black." The popular proverb
quoted by Victor (Epit. p. 51), "Bull-necked for ten years, for twelve
a freebooter, and for ten a spendthrift (immature child)," has just the
value of a Southern popular opinion of Lincoln, or a rural Northerner's
of "Jeff Davis." Indeed, the first might summarize at times the
Southern popular verdict of Grant; the second, a frequently expressed
estimate of Lincoln's conduct in the emancipation of slaves; and the
third, their view of the enormous expenditure for pensions of Union
soldiers, even as it was fifteen years ago. But even the rather severe
Victor, who reports this proverb, finds Constantine "most excellent
(commodissimus) in many respects,"--in respect of certain laws, in his
patronage of the arts, especially that of letters, as scholar, as
author, in the hearing of delegations and complaints (p. 51). Again,
"Praxagoras, though a heathen, says that in all sorts of virtue and
personal excellence and good fortune, Constantine outshone all the
emperors who preceded him" (Photius, Cad. 62, ed. Muller, p. 1). And
finally, the heathen Eutropius, who characterizes from his standpoint
so admirably, (1) though he naturally finds that "in the beginning of
his reign he might have been compared to the best princes; in the
latter part, only to those of middling character," nevertheless records
"that innumerable good qualities of mind and body were present in him,"
and that he was "deservedly enrolled among the gods,"-using the recruit
which he uses also of Aurelian, but not generally, and not even of
Constantius. On purely heathen testimony, therefore, Constantine, taken
by and large, was comparatively remarkable and admirable. A moderate
Christian characterization is that of Theophanes (p. 29): "Pre-eminent
for masculine strength of character, penetration of mind,
well-disciplined power of thought; for unbending righteousness, ready
benevolence, thorough majestic beauty of countenance, mighty and
successful in war, great in wars with the barbarians, invincible in
domestic wars, and so firm and unshaken in faith that through prayer he
obtained the victory in all his battles."
435
Remembering, therefore, that in order to understand a character in past
centuries one must project himself into his time; remembering again the
circumstances of his time and its practice, we shall, without forgetting
any of the acts on which he has been judged, find him on indisputable
testimony superior to most of the other emperors in character, and as
much above the circumstances of his times as would characterize a man
of to-day as of peculiarly high moral character. In view of this, it is
uncritical, and a violence to historical evidence, to approach one
whom, at death, the heathen thought worthy to be enrolled among the
gods, and the Christians canonized as saint (in the Greek calendar), as
other than one who, taken all in all, was of unusual excellence of
character. As in any synthesis, any organization, subordinate facts
must be viewed in their relation to their center and whole, as by any
law of criminal procedure acts must be judged in the light of general
character, so any rational, legal, scientific, historical estimate of
Constantine must be in view of this fact.
§ 8. Summary.
With this as center of perspective, we have a
picture of Constantine with lights and shadows, to be sure, but in the
main true in its drawing and coloring. He was a man of rather more than
medium height, strongly built, with broad shoulders, thick neck, and
generally athletic and well-formed figure. His piercing eye, slightly
aquiline nose, scanty reddish beard, and florid complexion, together
with his bright expression, made a countenance striking and even
handsome. Of great physical strength and vigor, he carried himself in a
manly, self-possessed, dignified, and serene manner, uniting a dignity
which might rise at times even to hauteur, or even incipient arrogance,
with a general and customary affability. His dress, like his complexion,
was somewhat florid. His mind was active, alert, intense without being
somber, penetrating, sound, fairly cultivated, and well exercised in
expression by pen or word. He was animated, habile, and attentive in
conversation, self-possessed, steady, and calm in formal address. He
was pre-eminently a man of energy, intense and resistless, with a
determination to accomplish whatever he attempted, which rose under
opposition to irresistible impetuosity, and wrought a courage which, in
action, was absolutely fearless. His ambition was limitless, but not
wholly or even mainly selfish.
With his energy and ambition were united the ballast
of marked prudence, patience, perseverance, faithfulness to details,
steadfastness, and supreme self-control. He was amiable and tactful,
popular with his soldiers, and careful to please. Toward those who came
into his power he showed habitual mildness and forbearance, -- a
mildness so great that he was generally blamed for it; and toward all he
showed great kindness, justice, and a generosity which verged on the
lavish. He was open to the charge of over-generosity, almost of
prodigality, a good measure of real vanity, some over-insistence on his
own will and thought as the final standard of right, and by no means
free from mistakes or human weaknesses. He was a good son, husband,
father, a remarkably successful general, a tolerable legislator, and a
clear-sighted, firm-willed statesman. In his religious life he abounded
in creed and confession- believing in the Trinity, the Divinity of
Christ, the Atonement, the Resurrection, and Eternal Life, in Repentance
and Faith, in love to God, and love to man. He preached his faith on
all occasions; he practiced thanksgiving and prayer abundantly. He
regarded everything that he had or was as from God. The editor's brief
judgment is that Constantine, for his time, made an astonishingly
temperate, wise, and, on the whole, benevolent use of absolute power,
and in morality, kindly qualities, and, at last, in real Christian
character, greatly surpassed most nineteenth century politicians--
standing to modern statesmen as Athanasius to modern theologians.
436
CHAPTER III.
WRITINGS.
§ I. Introduction.
Quite a number of works by this emperor-author are
extant. (1) They may be grouped under, I. Oratorical writings; 2.
Letters and decrees; 3. Laws; 4. Various.
§ 2. Oratorical Writings.
According to Eusebius (V. C. 4. 29; cf. 4. 55) these
were very numerous, and it may well be believed. He seems to have done
much of everything he undertook at all--fighting, or learning, or
building temples, or making laws, he was nothing if not incessant. He
had a habit of inflicting his orations on his court, and undoubtedly had
plenty of enthusiastic hearers, as any emperor would, and as Eusebius
says he did. They seem to have been generally philosophical with as
much religion as possible worked in (V. C. 4. 9). Not many are extant,
but we have some account of the few following:
1. Oration to the saints (Oratio ad sanctum caetum,
S. C.). For this see the following translation and Special Prolegomena.
2. Address to the Council of Nicaea in praise of
peace (Ad Syn. Nic.), in Euseb. V. C. 3. 12. Address of
welcome. He rejoices in the assembly, and exhorts them to be united,
that they may thereby please God and do a favor to their emperor.
3. Oration to the Council of Nicaea, in Gelasius,
Hist. Coun. Nic. 1. 7. Begins with rhetorical comparison of the Church
to a temple, and ends with injunctions to observe peace and to search
the Scriptures as the authority in all points of doctrine. Appears
dubiously authentic.
4. Address to the bishops on their departure from
Nicaea. Abstract in Euseb. V. C. 32. 1. Exhorts them to keep peace,
cautions against jealousy, &c.
5. Funeral oration. A description in Euseb. V. C. 4.
55. Dwells on the immortality of the soul, the blessings laid up for
those who love God, and the ruin of the ungodly.
His method of composition is spoken of by Eusebius
(V. C. 4. 29), and his manner of delivery may be gathered from Eusebius'
description of his speech at the opening of the Council of Nicaeea (V.
C. 3. 11). For the style of his oratorical discourses, compare remarks
on the Oration to the Saints in the Special Prolegomena.
§ 3. Letters and Edicts.
It is hard to separate between letters, edicts, and
laws. A substantial autocrat, the form of address was much the same, and
the force. The extant letters are quite numerous, and those of which we
have definite or general mention, many. He seems to have been a most
industrious letter-writer. Of the extant letters a majority are
undoubtedly or probably genuine. Some, however, need more critical study
than seems to have been given to them. (2) Following is the roughly
chronological list, the works being grouped by years. The dating is
taken mainly from
437
the Migne edition, Ceillier, and Valesius with slight original study.
The descriptions are of course from the documents themselves.
1. (313 A,D.) Edict of Constantine and Licinius for the restoration of
the Church. In
Lact. De M. P. c. 48, and also in Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed.
Migne, 105-110). The second edict of toleration. The first edict (Euseb.
8. 17; Lact. De M. P. 34) can hardly be classed among the "writings" of
Constantine. This famous second edict grants full religious liberty to
the Christians and restoration of their property. Compare section on
Acts of Toleration in Wordworth's Constatinus.
2. (313.) First letter of Constantine and Licinius
to Anulinus. In Euseb. H.E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. ed. Migne, 479-480).
Restores goods to the Catholic Christians; written about the same time
as the edict of toleration, according to Ceillier.
3. (313.) Second Letter of Constantine to Anulinus.
In Euseb. H. E. 10. 7 (Op. Const. 481-2). Ordering that the Catholic
clergy be free from public service, that they might not be disturbed in
their worship of God.
4. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Caecilianus. In
Euseb. H. E. 10. 6 (Op. Const. 481-4). Presents money--three thousand
purses (folles) -- to be distributed according to direction of Hosius.
5. (313.) Letter of Constantine to Melchiades (or
Miltiades). In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const. 477- ). Having received
various letters from Anulinus regarding Caecilian and the Donatists, he
summons a council at Rome to consider the matter.
6. (314.) Letter of Constantine to Ablavius (or
AElafius). In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 283-4 (Op. Const. 483-6). The result
of the council at Rome not having proved final, he summons the Council
of Aries.
7. (314·) Letter of Constantine to Chrestus (
Crescentius), bishop of Syracuse. In Euseb. H. E. 10. 5 (Op. Const.
485-8). Invites to the Council of Arles.
8. (314.) Letter of Constantine to the Bishops after
the Council of Arles. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 287-8 (Op. Const. 487-90).
Contains gratulations, reprobations of obstinate schismatists, and
exhortations to patience with such obstinateness. It is full of
religious expressions, and if genuine, is a most interesting exhibition
of Constantine's religious position at this time, but it looks
suspicious, and probably is not genuine.
9- (314·) Letter of Constantine and Licinius
to Probianus, the Proconsul of Africa. In Augustine, Ep. 88 (ed. Migne
33 [1865] 3045), and also in Contr. Crest. (43 [1861] 540, also
in Op. Const. and tr. Engl. in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,
1, p. 370). Orders that the Donatist Ingentius be brought to his court.
One text adds Maximianus or Maximus in place of Maximus as epithet of
Constantine.
10. (314 or 315.) Letter of Constantine to the
Donatist Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 290 (Op. Const. ed. Migne
[1844] 490). As the Donatists were not yet satisfied, he summons them to
meet Caecilian, and promises if they convict him in one particular, it
shall be as if in all.
11. (315.) Letter of Constantine to Celsus. In
Optat. Mon. vet p. 291 (Op. Const. 489-90). In reply to letter
mentioning disturbances of the Donatists, he hints that he expects to go
shortly to Africa and settle things summarily.
12. (315.) Fragment of a Letter of Constantine to
Eumalius Vicarius. In Augustine's Contr. Crest. 3. 71 (ed. Migne 43
[1861] 541; also Op. Const. 491-2). An extract of six lines, in which he
says Caecilianus was entirely innocent.
13. ( 316 or 317. ) Letter of Constantine to the
bishops and people of Africa. Optat. Mon. vet. p. 294 (Op. Const.
491-2). He has tried every way to settle the Donatist disturbances in
vain, and now leaves them to God and advises patience.
14. (323.) First Letter of Constantine to Eusebius.
In Euseb. V. C. 2. 46; Theodoret, 1. 14; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 491-4).
Empowers the repairing, enlarging of old, and building of new churches.
438
15. (323 A.D.) Law of Constantine respecting piety
toward God and the Christian Religion (Ad prov. Pal.). In Euseb. V. C.
2. 24-42 ; abstr. in Soz. 1. 8 (Op. Const. 253-282). This long edict,
addressed to the inhabitants of Palestine, contains an exposition of the
prosperity which attends the righteous and the adversity which comes to
the wicked, followed by edict for the restitution of confiscated
property, the recall of exiles, and various other rectifications of
injustices. This is the copy, "or letter," sent to the heathen
population of the empire.
16. (324.) Constantine's edict to the people of the
eastern provinces concerning the error of polytheism, &c. (Ad. prov.
Or). In Euseb. V. C. 48-. This letter, written in Latin and translated
by Eusebius, begins with "some general remarks on virtue and vice,"
touches on the persecutions and the fate of the persecutors, expresses
the wish that all would become Christians, praises God, and exhorts
concord.
17. (323 or 324.) Letter of Constantine to Alexander
the Bishop and Arius the Presbyter. In Euseb. V. C. 2. 64-72; Gelas.
2.4; Socr. 1. 7 (Op. Const. 493-502). Expresses his desire for
peace, his hope that they might have helped him in the Donatist
troubles, his distress at finding that they, too, were in a broil, his
opinion that the matters under discussion are of little moment, and what
he thinks they are. He exhorts to unanimity, repeats his opinion that
the matters are of little moment, mentions his "copious and constant
tears," and finally gets through.
18. (324-5.) Letter to Porphyrius (Optatian). In
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19 [1846] 393-394 and in various editions of
Optatian. This letter to Porphyrius or Optatian was on the occasion of
the sending of a poem by the latter for his vicennalia. It expresses his
pleasure and his disposition to encourage the cultivation of belles
lettres. Compare note on Optatian under sources.
19. (325.) Letter of Constantine the King, summoning
the bishops to Nicaea. In Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1841, p. 5-6. This
is translated from a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, written in 501.
Gives as reason for the choice of Nicaea the convenience for the
European bishops and "the excellent temperature of the air." This, if
genuine, is the letter mentioned by Eusebius, V. C., but it looks
suspicious.
20. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the churches
after the Council of Vicaea. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 17-20; Socr. 1. 9 (Op.
Const. 501-506). Dwells on the harmonious result, especially respecting
the Easter controversy, and commends to the bishops to observe what the
Council has decreed.
21. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the church of
Alexandria. In Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 507-510). Expresses great horror
of the blasphemy of Arius, and admiration for the wisdom of the more
than three hundred bishops who condemned him.
22. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Arius and the
Arians. In "Conc. 2. 269." A long and rather railing address against
Arius.
23. (325.) Letter of Canstantine to the churches. In
Socr. H. E. 1. 9. A translation of a Syriac translation of this, written
in 501, in Cowper, Syriac Misc., Lond. 1861, p. 6-7. Against Arius and
the Porphyrians, and threatens that any one who conceals a work of
Arius shall be punished with death.
24. (325.) Letter of Constantine to the Nicomedians
against Eusebius and Theognis. In Gelas. 3. 2; Theodoret, 1. 20; Soz. 1.
21 (Op. Const. 519-524). A theological discussion partly of the
relation of Father and Son, and an attack on Eusebius of Nicomedia.
25. (325.) Letter to Theodotus. In Gelas. 3. 3 (Op.
Const. 523-524). Counsels him to take warning by what has happened to
Eusebius (of Nicomedia) and Theognis, i.e. banishment, and get rid of
such evil influence, if any, as they may have had on him.
26. (325.) Letter of Constantine to Macarius. In
Euseb. V. C. 3. 30-32; Theodoret, 1. 16. Directs the erection of a
peculiarly magnificent church at the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem.
27. (330.) Letter of Constantine to the Numidian
Bishops. In Optat. Mon. vet. p. 295 (Op. Const. 531-532). Concerns a
church taken possession of by schismatists.
28. (332.) Letter of Canstantine to the Antiochians.
In Euseb. V. C. 3. 60 (Op. Const. 533-). Exhorts them not to persist in
their effort to call Eusebius from Caesarea to Antioch.
439
29. (332 A.D.) Letter of Constantine to the Synod of
Tyre deprecating the removal of Eusebius from Caesarea. In Euseb. V. C.
362; Theodoret, 1. 27 (Op. Const. 543-546).
30. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Eusebius. In Euseb. V. C. 3.
61 (Op. Const.
537-540). Commends Eusebius for having declined the call to Antioch.
31. (332.) Second Letter of Constantine to Macarius
and the rest of the Bishops in Palestine (to Eusebius). In Euseb. V. C.
3. 52-53 (Op. Const. 539-544). Directs the suppression of idolatrous
worship at Mature.
32. (332.?) Edict against the heretics. In Euseb. V.
C. 3. 64-5. Against Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians,
Cataphrygians who are forbidden to assemble and whose houses of worship
are to be given to the Catholic party.
33. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Sapor, King of
the Persians. In Euseb. 4. 9-13; Theodoret, 1. 24 (Op. Const. 545-552).
Is mainly a confession of faith commending the Persian Christians to the
special care of their king.
34. (333.) Letters of Constantine to Antonius, the
monk, and of Antonius to him are mentioned in Athanasius, 1. 855 (Op.
Const. 551-552). Constantine and his sons write as to a father. Antony
grudgingly replies with some good advice for them to remember the day of
judgment, regard Christ as the only emperor, and have a care for
justice and the poor.
35. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius in
praise of his discourse concerning Easter. Eusebius, V. C. 4. 35 (Op.
Const. 551-554) praises the discourse and asks for more.
36. (333.) Letter of Constantine to Eusebius on the
preparation of the copies of the Scriptures. In Euseb. V. C. 4. 36;
Theod. 1. 15; Socr. 1. 9 (Op. Const. 553-554). Orders fifty copies with
directions as to style.
37. (335.) Fragment of the first letter of
Constantine to Athanasius. In Athan. Apol.; Socr. 1. 27 (Op. Const.
553-556; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1843, p. 89). The letter
summoning to the Council of Tyre, but only a half-dozen lines remain.
This bids him admit all who wish to enter the church.
38. (335.) Letter of Constantine to the people of
the Alexandrian Church. In Athan. Apol. c. Ar. c. 61 (Op. Const.
559-562; abstract in Soz. 2. 31; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts,
Oxf. 1850, p. 90-92). Is a general lamentation over the dissensions of
the Church, with expression of confidence in Athanasius.
39. (335.) Second Letter of Constantine to
Athanasius. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 555-558). Expresses his reprobation
of the false accusations of the Meletians against Athanasius.
40. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Joannes the
Meletian. Athan. Apol. (Op. Const. 557-560). Congratulates on his
reconciliation with Athanasius.
41. (335.) Letter of Constantine to Arius. In Socr.
1. 25 (Op. Const. 561-562). Invites Arius to visit him-- the famous
visit where he presented a confession of faith claimed to be in
conformity with that of Nicaea.
42. (335.) A Letter to Dalmatius is mentioned by
Athanasius, Apol. 5. 13, but not preserved (Op. Const.
563-564; Tr. Engl. in Athan. Hist. Tracts, Oxf. 1850, p. 94). It
required him to make judicial enquiry respecting the charge against
Athanasius of the murder of Arsenius.
43. (335.) Celebrated Letter of Constantine
concerning the Synod of Tyre. In Euseb. V. C. 3. 42 (Op. Const.
561-564). Exhorts the bishops to give zeal to fulfilling the purpose of
the synod in the restitution of peace to the Church.
44. (335.) Letter to the Bishops assembled at Tyre.
In Socr. H. E. 1. 34, and in Soz. H. E. 2. 28. Summons them to come to
him at Constantinople and give account of their proceedings.
Besides these there are the clearly spurious:
1. Letter of Helena to Constantine (Op. Const.
529-530).
2. Letter of Constantine in response to Helena (Op.
Const. 529-532).
3. Treaty of peace between Constantine, Sylvester and Tiridates (Op.
Const. 579-582). On
440
Tiridates compare various sources in Langlois Col. des historiens de .
. . l'Arménie, and for literature respecting their authenticity,
his note on p. 103.
4. Edict of Constantine to Pope Silvester (Op. Const. 567-578). The
famous Donation which first appeared in Pseudo-Isidore, and for which
see under The Mythical Constantine, p. 442-3.
There are also quite a large number of letters
mentioned with more or less description, and a "multitude of letters" (
V. C. 3. 24) of which there is no specific knowledge. Of the former may
be mentioned that to the inhabitants of Heliopolis, one to Valerius (or
Valerianus or Verinus) (Augustine, Ad Donat. p.c. c. 33); one to the
Council of Tyre, asking them to hasten to Jerusalem ( V. C. 4. 43; Soz.
2. 26); and one acknowledging the copies of the Scriptures prepared at
his order, through Eusebius ( V. C. 4. 37).
§ 4. Laws.
The numerous laws are collected in the edition of
Migne (Patrol. Lat. 8. p. 93-400), mainly from the Theodosian code. They
are in the opinion of Eutropius (10. 8) "many," "some good and
equitable, but most of them superfluous, and some severe" (cf. under
Character). Many of them show the author's tendency to declamation, but
taken all in all they are businesslike and do credit, in the main, to
their author's heart, and even, though less conspicuously, to his head.
For more specific account, compare the laws themselves as collected in
Migne, the relating passages in Wordsworth and Ceillier, standard and
annotated editions of the codes, and special treatises, such as Balduin,
De leg. eccl. et civ. 1737.
§ 5. Various.
Besides the more formal works mentioned above,
various conversations, sayings, bon mots, prayers, &c., are
preserved, among which may be mentioned:
1. Memoirs of himself, of which no portion is
extant. Writings of Constantine are mentioned by Lydus (p. 194, 226),
but whether the writings referred to deserve the title given by
Burckhardt it is hard to say.
2. A form of prayer given by Constantine to his
soldiers (V. C. 4. 20).
3. His address when the memorials of contendents, at
Council of Nicaea, were brought to him (Soz. 1. 17).
4. The conversation with Acesius, for which Socrates
vouches, closing, "0 Acesius, set up a ladder, and do you alone climb up
to heaven."
5. His rebuke to the courtier concerning
covetousness ( V. C. 4. 30).
6. His answer when told his statues had been stoned,
"Strange, but I feel no wound" (" Chrysost. Ad Pop. Ant.").
7. His appeal to the bishops, requesting them to confer upon him the
rite of baptism (V. C.
4. 62).
8. His Thanksgiving after baptism and testimony (V.
C. 4. 63).
In general, his writings were composed in Latin, and
translated into Greek by those appointed for this special purpose ( V.
C. 4. 32). His general style is rhetorical, rather profuse, and
declamatory, abounding in pious allusion and exhortation, as well as
philosophical quotation and reflection. His works are interesting to
study and not without a touch here and there of genuine literary
interest. A remark on friendship, for example, unless it be a product of
his habit of borrowing the thoughts of other men more or less directly,
is delightful and most quotable. "For it often happens," he says, "that
when a reconciliation is effected by the removal of the causes of
enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was before" (Const. to
Alex. and At. in V. C. 2. 71).
441
CHAPTER IV.
THE MYTHICAL CONSTANTINE.
The many legends which have attached themselves to
the name of Constantine are valuable chiefly as curiosities, and can be
treated here only in specimens. A few of the more interesting and
important are the following:
1. Constantine and his Mother Helena.
A little anonymous work of some thirty pages, edited
by Heydenreich from a fourteenth-century manuscript, was published under
this title in 1879, and has drawn forth an astonishing amount of
literature for so slight a thing. It has little value except as an
illustration of mediaeval romance, though Coen seems to think the honor
of having introduced it into literature enough to warrant the
expenditure of a good deal of pains in vindicating his claim to it. The
story is written with tolerable art, and runs, abbreviated, something as
follows:
Helena, daughter of a noble family of Treves, came
on a pious journey to Rome. The Emperor Constantius, crossing a bridge
of the Tiber, saw Helena among other pilgrims. Struck with her beauty,
he arranged that she should be detained by force at the inn where she
stayed, when her fellow-pilgrims returned to Gaul. The emperor then
constrained her by force, but, seeing the great grief which his act had
caused, gave her a certain ornament of precious stones and his ring, as
a sort of pledge, and went away. She did not venture to return to her
country, but remained at Rome with the son who was born to her,
representing that her Gallic husband was dead. This son, Constantine,
grew up pleasing, handsome, and versatile. Certain merchants, seeing his
excellent quality, formed a scheme of making money by palming him off
on the emperor of the Greeks as a son-in-law, representing him to be a
son of the Roman emperor.
The scheme was carried out, and the merchants after
some time embarked again for Rome, · with the Constantine and the
princess, and much treasure. Toward the end of their journey they
stopped over night at a little island. In the morning the young people
awoke to find they had been deserted by the merchants, and Constantine
in great grief confessed the deception which had been practiced. To this
the princess replied that she cared little who he was or his family,
since he was himself and her husband. After a few days of short rations
they were taken by passing voyagers to Rome, where they joined Helena,
and having purchased a house with the proceeds from the sale of certain
valuables which the princess had kept with her, they went to
hotel-keeping. Constantine took naturally to military life, and at
tournaments surpassed every · one else so far as to arouse
astonishment and inquiry. The emperor would not believe him a poor and
friendless man, and had his mother called. After much vigorous evasion
the truth came out, confirmed by the ring which the emperor had given
Helena. Constantius first had the merchants put to death, and gave all
their property to Constantine. Then a treaty was made with the emperor
of the East, and Constantine was recognized as heir to the empire.
A more wildly unhistorical historical novel could
hardly have been written even by a Muhlbach. For further account, see
under Literature especially articles by Heydenreich and by Coen.
2. Constantine the Son of a British Princess.
Duke Coel of Colchester, say the old chronicles, by
an insurrection became king. The Senate, rejoiced at the overthrow of an
enemy, sent Constantius to Britain. Coel, fearing, sent ambassadors to
meet him, gave hostages, and shortly died. Constantius was crowned,
married Helena, daughter of Coel, the most beautiful, cultivated, and
educated woman of her time. By her he had a son, Constantine, afterwards
called the Great. This is in substance the account of Geoffrey of
Monmouth (5.6) and Pierre de Langloft (1, p. 66-7). The story is
mentioned by
442
Henry of Huntington (Bk. I. 37), who perhaps wrote before Geoffrey (in
1137 [?]), and Richard of Cirencester (2. 1. 33). Waurin (Vol. I. Bk. 2.
43) makes "Choel" Count of Leicester, but in general is identical with
Geoffrey. The famous Brut of Layamon (ed. Madden, 2 [1847] p. 35) is
translated with amplifications from Wace's Brut, and this in turn from
Geoffrey. This makes Coel Earl of Gloucester. The Eulogium Hist. calls
Helena (1. 337) daughter of a British king, but also concubine, though
elsewhere (2, p. 267) she is wife according to the conventional story.
It is also mentioned by many others; e.g. Voragine, Golden Legend. It
is interesting that this. legendary father of Helena is supposed
(Hayden, Index to Eulogium, p. 45, and Giles, note on Geoffrey, p. 162)
tO be the same as "Old King Cole, the merry old soul," making
Constantine thus the grandson of the Mother Goose hero.
3. Constantine's Leprosy; Healing
and Baptism by Silvester.
This tale is one of the most frequently found. The
earliest account is said to be that of the Acts of Silvester. Some of
the many who repeat it are Ephraem, Cedrenus, Zonaras. The following
account is mainly froth Glycas, p. 461-462.
When Constantine was fighting against Maxentius,
after he had seen the sign of the cross, he was victorious. Then,
forgetting, he was conquered, and grieving, he fell asleep and had a
vision in which the blow of a switch on his nostrils brought blood which
flowed down on his linen tunic. in the form of a cross. Seeing this, he
was filled with penitence, and became again victorious. Being led away
a second time into idolatry through his wife Fausta, he was divinely
afflicted with leprosy. The priests prescribed a bath in the blood of
infants, and it was ordered; but when he heard the lamentations of the
mothers, he said it was better to suffer than that so many infants
should perish. Therefore the apostles, Peter and Paul as some say,
appeared to him and told him Silvester would cure him, as he did. There
are many varieties of the story and various details. as to baptism, but
in general the whole series of stories regarding his baptism at Rome
centers in this story, and gratitude for this cure is the supposed
occasion of the famous donation of Constantine. In this the
circumstances of the miracle are given at length,-- the words of the
apostles, Silvester's identification of them as apostles by portraits,
the immersion, and subsequent instruction.
4. Donation of Constantine.
This most remarkable of forgeries for its practical
effect on world-history has been the subject of endless discussion. It
is, in brief, a supposed grant to the Pope of Rome, Silvester, of
certain sweeping privileges in recognition of the miracle he has
wrought. The edict gives a long confession of faith followed by an
account of the miracle and mention of the churches he has built. Then
follow the grants to Silvester, sovereign Pontiff and Pope of Rome, and
all his successors until the end of the world, -- the Lateran palace,
the diadem, phryginus, the purple mantle and scarlet robe, imperial
scepters, insignia, banners and the whole imperial paraphernalia, as
well as various clerical privileges and pretty much the whole world to
govern. It is impossible here even to represent in outline the history
of this extraordinary fiction. Composed not earlier than the latter part
of the eighth century (Martens et alt. 9 cent.; Grauert, 840-850;
Hauck, Bonneau, 752-757; Langen, 778, &c.; Friedrich acc. to
Seeberg, divides into an earlier [653] and a later
[753] portion), it early came to be general, though not unquestioned,
authority. In 1229-1230 a couple of unfortunates who ventured to doubt
its authenticity were burned alive at Strasburg (Documents communicated
by Ristelhuber to Bonneau p. 57-58)· Not many years after, Dante
seems (Inf. 19. 115) to have taken its authenticity for granted; and
although there is a possible doubting (De Monarch. 4. 10), he does not
venture to dispute this. He denies, however, Constantine's power or
right to give, if he did give. In modern times the fictitious character
of the document is recognized by Protestants and Catholics alike, and
the discussion, so vigorous for-
443
merly, over this authenticity has narrowed itself chiefly to a
discussion of the place (France or Rome) and date (653-753, ninth
century) and possible author. The discussion over these points has been
lately renewed and is being carried on with animation. Among the later
monographs are those of Martens (1889) and Friedrich (1889, not at
hand). The latest treatise at hand is that of Seeberg in the Theol.
Literaturbl. of Jan. 17. 24. 31 of the current year. For farther select
literature, compare Verzeichniss in Martens; for sources, the chapters
of Martens and Preface of Bonneau; for older literature, Muensch. p.
96-97, and in general the Literature of Constantine, in this volume,
although no attempt has been made to exhaust the literature of this
sub-topic there. Treatises on the Donation will be found under the names
of Albani, Altus, Arrhenius, Bachmann, Bayet, Bonneau, Brunner,
Chaulnes, Colombier, Cusa, Friedrich, Genelin, Grauert, Hauck,
Hildebrand, Jacobatius, Kaufman, Kruger, Martens, Muench, Rallaye,
Scheffer-Boichorst, Seeberg. Steuchus, Tacut, Valla, Walther, Wieland,
Zeumer.
5. Dream
concerning the Founding of Constantinople.
"As Constantine was sleeping in this city
[Byzantium], he imagined that there stood before him an old woman whose
forehead was furrowed with age; but that presently, clad in an imperial
robe, she became transformed into a beautiful girl, and so fascinated
his eyes by the elegance of her youthful charms that he could not
refrain from kissing her; that Helena, his mother, being present, then
said, 'She shall be yours forever; nor shall she die till the end of
time.' The solution of this dream, when he awoke, the emperor extorted
from heaven, by fasting and alms-giving. And behold, within eight days,
being cast again into a deep sleep, he thought he saw Pope Silvester,
who died some little time before, regarding his convert with
complacency, and saying, 'You have acted with your customary prudence in
waiting for a solution from God of that enigma which was beyond the
comprehension of man. The old woman you saw is this city, worn down by
age, whose time-struck walls, menacing approaching ruin, require a
restorer. But you, renewing its walls, and its affluence, shall
signalize it also with your name; and here shall the imperial progeny
reign forever' " (William of Malmesbury, Chronicle., tr. English. Lond.
1847, p. 372---3. The final section, which instructs Constantine how to
lay out the city, is omitted). This is taken by the Chronicler from
Aldhelm's (d. 709) de laudibus virginitatis (c. 52, ed. Giles, 1844, p.
28-29), where, however, instead of kissing her, he much more
appropriately "clothes her with his mantle, and puts his diadem adorned
with pure gold and brilliant gems on her head." It is given also by
Ralph de Diceto (ed. Stubbs, Lond. 1876), 74-75, and probably by many
others.
6. Voyage of Helena.
A matter-of-fact account of things which are not so, given in Hakluyt's
Voyages, 2 (1810),
P. 34, is worth giving in the words of the translator:
"Helena Flavia Augusta, the heire and onely daughter
of Coelus, sometime the most excellent king of Britaine, by reason of
her singular beautie, faith, religion, goodnesse, and godly Maiestie
(according to the testimonie of Eusebius) was famous in all the world.
Amongst all the women of her time there was none either in the liberall
arts more learned, or in the instruments of musike more skilfull, or in
the divers languages of nations more abundant than herselfe. She had a
naturall quicknesse of wit, eloquence of speech, and a most notable
grace in all her behaviour. She was seene in the Hebrew, Greeke, and
Latin tongues. Her father (as Virumnius reporteth) had no other childe,
... had by her a sonne called Constantine the great, while hee remained
in Britaine ... peace was granted to the Christian churches by her good
meanes. After the light and knowledge of the Gospel, she grew so
skilfull in divinity that she wrote and composed divers bookes and
certaine Greeke verses also, which (as Ponticus reporteth) are yet
extant ... went to Jerusalem ... lived to the age of fourscore years,
and then died at Rome the
444
fifteenth day of August, in the yeere of oure redemption 337. ...Her
body is to this day very
carefully preserved at Venice."
7. The Finding of the Cross.
It is said in a certain "tolerably authentic
chronicle," according to Voragine, that Constantine sent his mother
Helena to Jerusalem to try to find the cross on which our Lord was
crucified. When she arrived, she bade all the Jewish Rabbis of the whole
land gather to meet her. Great was their fear. They suspected that she
sought the wood of the cross, a secret which they had promised not to
reveal even under torture, because it would mean the end of Jewish
supremacy. When they met her, sure enough, she asked for the place of
the crucifixion. When they would not tell, she ordered them all to be
burned. Frightened, they delivered up Judas, their leader and
instigator, saying that he could tell. She gave him his choice of
telling or dying by starvation. At first he was obstinate, but six days
of total abstinence from food brought him to terms, and on the seventh
he promised. He was conducted to the place indicated, and in response to
prayer. there was a sort of earthquake, and a perfume filled the air
which converted Judas. There was a temple of Venus on the spot. This the
queen had destroyed. Then Judas set to digging vigorously, and at the
depth of twenty feet, found three crosses, which he brought to Helena.
The true cross was tested by its causing a man to rise from the dead,
or according to others, by healing a woman, or according to others, by
finding the inscription of Pilate. After an exceedingly vigorous
conversation between the devil and Judas, the latter was baptized and
became Bishop Cyriacus. Then Helena set him hunting for the nails of
the cross. He found them shining like gold and brought them to the
queen, who departed, taking them and a portion of the wood of the
cross. She brought the nails to Constantine, who put them on his bridle
and helmet, or according to another account, two were used in this way,
and one was thrown into the Adriatic Sea.
It is interesting to trace the melancholy
consequences of this particular enterprise of Constantine's in the sad
death of St. Cyriacus nee Judas. The Emperor Julian, the apostate,
"invited" him to sacrifice to idols. When he refused, melted lead was
poured into his mouth; then an iron bedstead was brought, on which he
was stretched, while a fire was built underneath and the body of the
martyr larded with salt and fat. The saint did not budge, and Julian had
a deep well dug, which was filled with venomous serpents. But contact
with the saint killed the serpents, and a cauldron of boiling oil
succeeded. Julian was so angry at the alacrity and cheerfulness of the
saint's preparations for this bath, that he killed him with a blow of
his sword. There is some consolation in the thought of this premature
death, in the fact that, unless his claim that he was nephew to
Stephen, the Proto-martyr, be disallowed, he had reached a ripe old age
of two hundred and fifty years or thereabouts.
The literature on this legend is very great. The
finding of the cross is mentioned as early as Cyril of Jerusalem (ab.
347-350), within twenty-five years of the visit of Helena recorded by
Eusebius (V. C. 3. 26), and with great frequency afterwards. The failure
of any mention by Eusebius seems, however, conclusive against any
finding, or pretended finding, at the time of Helena's famous visit,
though the contrary is acutely argued by Newman. The finding and use of
the nails is often separated from the other, and is found in many of
the sources on Constantine. But even those who believe in the miracle
of the finding of the cross will hardly vouch for the story in the
above form, which is substantially that of Voragine.
Compare Sinker's article, Cross, Finding, in Smith
and Cheetham, Dict. 1 (1880), 503-506; Jameson, Hist. of Our Lord, 2
(1872) 385-391; Newman, Essays an Miracles (Land. 1875) 287-326; and
especially Voragine, whom see under Sources. Under the article Helena,
in Smith & W. is a sub-article by Argles on the Invention of the
Crass, which gives an admirable abstract of the sources in order.
These examples of the Stories which have gathered
around the name of Constantine do not
445
begin to exhaust the list. The interesting tales of the sword of
Constantine presented to Athelstan (Reg. Malms. 1, 1879, p. 55, 468;
Eul. Hist. 3, 1863, P. 12), his conversion through remorse, and the
whole series of allusions and stories in mediaeval fiction and poetry
must be passed here. If any one has the curiosity to follow them up, he
will find the references in the articles of Heydenreich a good guide to
literature. A few stories, like that of Constantine and Tiridates, one
hesitates to class among the wholly fictitious (compare, under Sources,
Agathangelos, Zenobius, and Faustus).
CHAPTER V.
SOURCES AND LITERATURE.
§ I. Introduction.
THE insertion in such a work as this of what seems
almost technical in its character has this twofold purpose: first, to
give a glimpse of the grounds of our knowledge of Constantine, with a
view of how far and in what directions it has been worked out through
literature; second, to serve the expressed purpose of this series, of
encouraging farther study in its lines. The very knowledge of what the
sources are, and their character, apart from any special study of them,
gives a width of horizon and definiteness of conception to the general
student, which can hardly be gotten in any other way; while for any one
who plans farther study in any line, it is of first importance to find
the what and where of his material.
§ 2. Sources.
Remembering the class of students for which the
series is chiefly intended, effort has been made to refer to
translations of sources where they are at hand, and to refer to the best
accessible English authorities on them. But the plan has been to refer
to the source itself in the edition actually used, and for literature
on them to choose the best for ready reference. Both editions and
authorities on sources are therefore selections, usually from many, of
such as seem most directly useful. The intention has been to guide to
all frequently mentioned sources, whether they were of great value or
not, since a useless one costs often quite as much trouble to hunt up
and find useless, as a good one to use. It is hardly to be hoped that
all the sources often referred to have been gathered, but the following
list represents pretty much all that are worth mentioning, and some
which are not.
I. Inscriptions, coins, medals, &c.
In some sense these are the most reliable of
sources, in spite of counterfeits. A large number will be found
collected in Clinton. For farther critical study, compare the
collections, great and small; for which, with the matter of inscriptions
in general, see Hicks, E. L., and Hubner, E., in the Encyclopedia
Britannica, 13 (1881)
133; and Babington, in Smith and Cheetham, 1 (1880) 841-862. Monographs
on those relating to Constantine will be found under the names,
Cavedoni, Cigola, Eltz, Freherus, Garucci, Harduin, Penon, Revellot,
Valois, Westphalen, Werveke, in the Literature of this volume.
These, with their dates, their official nature,
their fullness and variety, are primary, and are the only sources
recognized by some. They are embodied in the Theodosian and Justinian
Codes, and collected from these are edited in Migne, Patrol. Latina,
Vol. 8. See under Writings of Constantine, above.
3. Other Writings by Constantine.
See under Writings, above, p. 436.
With this might perhaps be included also writings to Constantine,
like that
of Anulinus in Augustinus, Ep. 88.
4. General Literary Sources.
Taking in general chronological order, without
attempting the impossibility of fixing the exact chronological place,
the first group of contemporary sources is that of the Panegyrists (for
collected editions, see Engelmann).
446
It was a serious mistake, now recognized, to pass them by as worthless.
Like all authentic documents, they have a minimum residuum of undoubted
material, which is larger or smaller according to the critical acumen of
the investigator. In the case of these, however inflated or eulogistic
they may be, the circumstances under which they were spoken give a
considerable value.
(I) Incerti auctoris Panegyricus Maximiano et
Constantino dictus (Paneg. 307). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844),
609-620. Pronounced at celebration of marriage of Constantine and
Fausta, A.D. 307. Besides having the great value of being contemporary
evidence, the author shows a certain ingenuity in enlarging on the
virtues of the young Constantine, who had few deeds to show, and on the
deeds of Maximian, who had few virtues, and has therefore a certain
discernible modicum of truth.
Compare the Monitum in Migne, Ramsay's article
on Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1073-4, and references under
Eumenius.
(2) EUMENIUS (310-311). (a) Panegyric (Panegyricus
Constantino Augusto). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1884), 619-640. (b)
Thanksgiving Oration (Gratiarum Actio Constantino Augusto). In Migne,
Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 641-654. Eumenius flourished during the reigns of
Constantius, with whom he was in high favor, and Constantine. He was
head of the school at Autun. The Panegyric was delivered at Treves, in
310. The authorship of Eumenius has been unwarrantably questioned, on
the ground that the flattery and exaggeration of the work are not
consistent with his taste and sense; but it would seem that both his
exaggeration and his taste have been themselves exaggerated. His praise
is hardly more "outrageous" than panegyrics were wont to be, -- or are,
for that matter; and so far from being "worthless," there is a peculiar
deal of interesting, unquestionable, and primary historical evidence.
Still, his taste and veracity are not much above that of modern
eulogists of living or dead emperors and politicians. The Gratiarum
Actio is the official oration of thanks to Constantine in behalf
of the citizens of Autun, on account of favors shown them. It was
pronounced at Treves in 311.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 92;
the Prooemium, in ed. Migne, 619-622; also for editions, Ramsay, article
Drepanius, in Smith, Dict. 1. 1073-4; and for literature,
Chevalier. For general account of the Panegyrists, see this article on
Drepanius.
(3) Incerti Panegyricus Constantino Augusto
(Paneg. 313). In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844), 653-This is usually
ascribed to Nazarius, on the ground of style. It was spoken at Treves in
313, and relates mainly to the war with Maxentius. Various details
relating to this are of such nature and form as to suggest again that
the author is the same as that of the 321 Paneg., --Nazarius.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 1145; the
Prooemium in ed. Migne, &c., and literature as under EUMENIUS, above.
(4) NAZARIUS. (321) Panegyric (Panegyricus
Constantino Augusto dictus). In ed. Migne, Patrol. Lat. 8 (1844),
581-608. Nazarius is mentioned by Jerome as a distinguished rhetorician.
This oration was delivered at Rome in 321. Constantine was not present.
It is superlatively eulogistic, but like the related panegyrics
contains many historical facts of greatest value.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859),
1145, the Monitum, in Migne, and references under MENIUS.
In the midst of the period which these cover comes
one of the two great Christian sources, and he is followed by a
considerable row of great and small Christians during the century.
(5) LACTANTIUS (ab. 313-314). On the Deaths of the
Persecutors (De M. P.). Ed. Fritsche (Lips. 248-286; ed. Migne, Patrol.
Lat. 7 (Par. 1844), 157-276; tr. in T. & T. Clark Library, 22
(Edinb. 1871), 164-211, and in Ante-Nicene Fathers (Buffalo and N.Y.),
300-326 [Lord Hailes translation]. There are many editions in collected
works, and about a dozen separate, and many translations, -- in all a
hundred or more editions and translations. There has been much
controversy regarding the author of this work, but there is little doubt
that it was Lactantius. Ebert (Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1. 83) claims to
have demonstrated the fact, and most of the later writers agree. The
work was composed after the edict of Constantine and Licinius, and
before the break between the two, i.e. 313-314. It was written thus in
the midst of things, and has the peculiar historical value of a
contemporary document, unprejudiced by later events. It is a sort of
psalm of triumph, colored by the passionate rejoicing of one persecuted
over the Divine vengeance which has come upon the persecutors. "In the
use of the work the historian must employ great critical discernment"
(Ebert, in Herzog, 8 [1881], 365). But granted all his prejudice, the
facts he witnesses are of first value.
Compare Ffoulkes, in Smith and Wace, 3 (1882),
613-617; Teuffel, Hist. Rom. Lit. 2 (1873), 334; Ebert, in Herzog,
Encyk. 8 (1881), 364-366, and Gesch. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 83; and
for farther literature, Bibliog, Synops. in Ante-Nicene Fathers Suppl.
(1887), 77-81.
(6) EUSEBIUS (ab. 260-340). I. Ecclesiastical
History. 2. Constantine. 3. Chronicle.
For 1 and 3 compare Prolegomena of Dr. McGiffert at
the beginning of this volume, and for 2, Special Prolegomena, p. 466.
(7) OPTATIAN (fl. ab. 326). Panegyric, in Migne, Patrol. Lat. 19
(1846), 395-432; Letter to Constantine,
do. 391-392. Optatian, Porfirius, or Porphyrius, as he is variously
called, is dubiously Christian, composed this
447
poem, or series of poems, while in exile, on the occasion of the
Vicennalia of Constantine. It dates, therefore, from 325 or 326. It is a
most extraordinary aggregation of acrostics, pattern poems, and every
possible device of useless, mechanical variety of form, of little value,
excepting as a sort of dime-museum exhibition of patience and
ingenuity. It consists mainly in calling Constantine flattering names,
but contains here and there an historical suggestion. It was accompanied
by a letter to Constantine, and drew one from him, and a pardon as well
(Hieronymus, Chron.).
Compare Wilson, article Porfirius, in Smith & W.
4 (1887), 440; article Porphyrius, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 502; and
for editions and literature, Engelmann.
(8) ATHANASIUS (296-373). Apology against the
Arians, and various works, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 25--28 (I857), 4 v.;
translated in part in Newman, Library of the Fathers, and in
Schaff-Wace, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (announced). The works of
Athanasius contain various letters of Constantine (see under Works) and
much of primary historical value for the latter part of Constantine's
reign. So far as it goes, the matter is almost equal to official
documents as source.
Compare Bright, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 179-203;
Schaff, Hist. of Church, 23 (1884), 884-893; and for extensive
literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse.
(9) CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (ab. 315-386). Catechetical
Lectures. In Migne, Patrol Gr. 33 (1857), especially 830. English
translations in Newman, Library of Fathers, 2 (1838), one ref. p. 178.
Letter to Constantine II. concerning the sign of the cross seen at
Jerusalem, c 3. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 33 (1857), 1165-1176, ref. on
1167-1168. Two or three references only to excavation of the cross and
building of churches, &c., at Jerusalem. They take significance only
in the fact that Cyril is so near the time (the letter was 351 [?], or
not many years later), and delivered his lectures in the very church
which Constantine had built (sect. 14, 22).
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 923-925;
Venables, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 760-763; and literature in
Chevalier Schaff, &c.; also editions in Graesse, Hoffmann,
&c.(10) AMBROSIUS OF MILAN (ab. 340-397). Oration on the Death of
Theodosius. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 16 (1866), portion relating to
Constantine especially, 1462-1465. Relates chiefly to the Finding of the
Cross. Compare Davies, in Smith & W. 1 (1877), 91-99; also
Chevalier, Engelmann, Schoenemann, &c.
(II) HIERONYMUS (JEROME) (331--420). Chronicle. In
Migne, Patrol. Lat. 27 (1866). Part relating to Constantine, 493
(497)-500. A translation and continuation of the Chronicle of Eusebius,
who ends with the death of Licinius. An indispensable but aggravating
authority. Compare Salmon, Eusebius, Chronicle of, in Smith & W. 2
(1880), 348-355.
(12) Augustinus (354-430). Ep. 43, ed. Migne, 33
(1865), 159- , §§ 4, 5, 20, &c. He gives account of the
various Donatist hearings, and speaks of having read aloud from various
original documents, including the petition to Constantine, the
proconsular acts, the proceedings of the court at Rome, and the letters
of Constantine. He speaks of the heating at Milan. Ep. 88, ed. Migne,
Patrol. Lat. 33 (1865), 302-309. This has the text of letter of Anulinus
to Constantine and Constantine to Probianus. Eps. 76. 2; 93. 13-14, 16
(which contains account of decree of Constantine that property of
obstinate Donatists should be confiscated); 105. 9, 10 (not
translated); 141. 8-10 (not translated), in ed. Migne, and tr. English
ed. Schaff, contain various matter on the Donatist acts of Constantine.
Ad Donatistas post collationem, c. 33, § 56; ed. Migne, 43 (1861),
687 (important for dates given). Contra litt. Petil. Bk. II. ch. 92,
§ 205; ed. Migne, 45 (1861), 326. Tr. in Schaff, Nicene and
Post-Nicene Fathers, 4 (1887), 580-581. Contr. Epist. Parmen. Bk. I.
chs. 5-6,§ 10-11; ed. Migne, 43 (1861), 40-41. Augustine as a
source is of primary value, because of the otherwise unknown sources
which he uses and quotes.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 3 (1884), 988-1028;
Maclear, in Smith & W. Dict. 1 (1877), 216-228. For literature see
Schaff, Chevalier Engelmann, and for particular literature of the
Donatist portions, Hartranft, in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers,
4 (1887), 369-372; and for editions, see Schoenemann, Graesse, Brunet,
Engelmann, Schaff, Hartranft, &c.
The equally numerous series of non-Christian writers
is headed, in value at least, though not in time, by Constantine's
secretary.
(13) EUTROPIUS (4th cent.). Abridgment of Roman
History, Bk. 10. Multitudes of editions and translations; the ones used
are: (Paris, 1539), 63-68; transl. by Watson, (Bohn, 1853),
527-535. Eutropius was secretary to Constantine, and afterwards the
intimate of Julian. His testimony though brief, is of peculiar weight
from his position for knowing and from a certain flavor of fairness. It
was early remarked (Nicephorus Gregoras) that his praise of Constantine
had peculiar force, coming from a heathen and friend of Julian. His
dispraise, on the other hand, is conditioned by the fact that he applies
it only to the period after Constantine began peculiarly to favor the
Christians. He seems to be a cool, level-headed man of the world,
unsympathetic with Constantine's religion and, writing from this
standpoint, presents a just, candid, reliable account of him.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 126-127;
Wagon, Notice, in his translation; also for multitudinous editions and
translations, and relatively scanty though considerable literature,
Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse.
448
(14) SCRIPTORES HISTORIAE AUGUSTAE (? 2-324). Ed. Jordan and
Eyssenhardt, Berol. 1864, 2 v. Contains a few dedications to and
mentions of Constantine, for which see Index.
Compare Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. tr. Wagner, 2 (Lond. 1873), 320-324.
(I5) VICTOR, SEXTUS AURELIUS (fl. 350-400). Caesars. In
ed. Schottius, Antv. Plantin, 1579, p. 97-I67. Section on Constantine
chiefly, 157-162. Epitome, Antv. 1579. Section on Constantine, p. 49-52.
These works, by different author, have been associated since the time
of the above edition with the name of Victor. The former is by him, the
latter probably by a slightly later Victor. They use the same sources
with Zosimus, but supplement him (Wordsworth). Both are interesting and
important, and in Manso's judgment, final where they
agree.
Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1256-1257;
Thomas, article Aurelius, in Biog. Dict. (1886), 228; Manso, Leben
Const. p. 215; and scanty references in Chevalier. For editions and
farther literature, see Engelmann.
(16) Praxagoras Atheniensis (4th cent). In Photius, Cod. 62; Ed.
Bekker, p. 20; ed. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 2-3. Lived in reign of
Constantine (Müller, p. 2). Although a heathen (Photius, Cod, 62),
he lauds Constantine above all his predecessors. He wrote various works
in the Ionic dialect, among, others a "history of the deeds of
Constantine the Great, in two books," composed at the age of twenty-two.
The fragments or resumé are preserved by Photius, as above.
Though brief (thee columns), it is a concise mass of testimony.
Compare Smith, Did. 3. 517; also for literature,
Chevalier; and for editions, the various editions of Photius in Graesse,
Hofmann, Engelmann, &c.
(17) CALENDARIUM ROMANUM CONSTANTINI MAGNI (350). In
Petavius, Uranologium (1630), 112-119. Written after 337, and in
or before 355, probably in 355. It is authority for the birthday of
Constantine, Constantius, &c.
Compare Greswell, Origines Kalendariae Italicae, 4 (Oxf. 1854), 388-392.
(18) Julian the Apostate (331-363). Caesars,
Orations an Constantius and Constantinus, et pass. Ed. Paris, 1630, p.
12-96, 422; Vol. 2, 1-54, passim. Compare also ed. Hertlein, Lips.
1875-76, 2 v. 8vo. Editions and translations are very numerous. (Compare
arts. of Wordsworth and Graves; also Engelmann, Graesse, &c. The
orations which are panegyrical were delivered (Wordsworth) 355 and 358,
and the Caesars dates from shortly after his accession (in 361). The
latter is a satire which has found literary favor, the substantial
purpose of which is thought to be a suggestion that he (Julian) is much
superior to all the great emperor; but which if one were to venture a
guess at its real motive is quite as much a systematic effort to
minimize by ridicule the landed Constantine. The laudatory words of
Julian himself in his orations are quite overshadowed by the bitter
sarcasms of the Caesars. As a matter of estimate of the value of this
source, there is to be remembered the bitterness of Julian's hostility
to Christianity. What to Eusebius was a virtue would to Julian be a
vice. In view of his prejudice, everything which he concedes is of
primary weight, while his ill-natured gossip carries a presumption of
slanderousness.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 2. 40-59;
Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 3. 484-525; Graves, in Smith, Dict.
644-655. Compare for endless literature, Wordsworth, Chevalier,
Engelmann, 1 (1880), 476-477.
(19) LIBANIUS, (314 or 316-391 +). Orations. Ed. Morellus, Par.
1606-1627. Contain a few allusions of more or less interest and
historical value, for which, see ed. Morellus, Index volume 2, fol.
Compare Schmitz, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 774-776;
and for editions and literature, Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(21) AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS (d. ab. 395). Histories.
There are many editions, for which compare Engelmann, Graesse, and
Wordsworth. Among editions are ed. Valesius (1636) and ed. Eyssenhardt,
Berol. 1871. The work was a continuation of Tacitus, but the first
thirteen hooks (including Constantine's period) are best. He says (Bk.
I5, ed. Valesius, 1636, p. 56-57) that Constantine investigated the
Manichaeans and like sects through Musonius, and gives account of the
bringing of his obelisk to Rome, perhaps by Constantine (Bk. 17, p.
92-93; compare Parker, Twelve Egypt. Obelisks in Rome, Oxf. 1879, p. 1),
and makes other mention, for which see Index to ed. Eyssenhardt, p. 566.
Compare Wordsworth, in Smith & W. 1 (1879),
99-101, and for literature, Chevalier (scanty) and Engelmann, 2 (1882),
43-45 (Rich).
(22) EUNAPIUS (Anti-Christian) (ab. 347-414). Lives
of the Philosophers and Sophists; AEdesius. Ed. Boissonade (Amsi. 1822),
19-46 passim. Eunapius was born at Sardis about 347, and died after 414
A.D. (cf. Müller, Fragm. 87). He was a teacher of rhetoric, and
besides this work wrote a continuation of the history of Dexippaus,
extending from 270-404 A.D. Fragments of this are preserved, but none
relating to Constantine. Photius (Cod. 77) says that he calumniated the
Christians, especially Constantine. With the fragments in Müller,
Fragm. 4 (1868), 11-56, is included also (14-15) a fragment from the
Vita Aedes., relating to Sopater. The death of Sopater and the relation
of Ablavius to it is given more fully in the Vita Aedes. with various
suggestive allusions. Much of his history is supposed to be
incorporated in Zosimus, and this gives importance to his name, weight
to Zosimus, and light on the hostile position of Zosimus rewards
Constantine.
449
Cf. Photius, Cod. 77; Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868),
7-9; Mozley, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 285-286; Schmitz, in Smith,
Dict. 2 (1859), 93; also for further literature and editions, Chevalier
and Engelmann.
(23) BEMARCHIUS (4th cent.) was of Caesarea in Cappadocia; wrote the
Acts of Constantine in ten books (Suidas, s.v.
<greek>bhmarkiod</greek>; cf. Zonaras, p. 386). No portion
is preserved.Wrote under Constantius, on whom he is said (Libanius,
Orat. ed. Reiske, p. 24) to have delivered a panegyric.
Cf. Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 3; Smith, Dict. 1 (1859), 482, &c.
An early but as yet valueless group is that of
Syriac and Armenian sources on the (apocryphal) treaty of Constantine
with Tiridates
(24) ZENOBIUS OF KLAG (ft. ab. 324). History, of
Daron. French translation from Armenian in Langlois, Call. Hist. Arm. 1
(1867), 353-355. Like the works of the other Armenian historians, the
text of this writer has suffered more or less from corruption. He has
two mentions (p. 344 and 351) of Constantine, the latter being an
account of the treaty with Tiridates. Compare introduction of Langlois,
and literature in Chevalier.
(25) AGATHANGELUS (ab. 330). History of the Reign of
Tiridates and of the Preaching of St. Gregory the Illuminator, c.
125-127, § 163-169; in Acta SS. Boll. Sept. VIII. 320- ; also with
French translation from Armenian in Langlois Coll. d hist. de l'Arm. p.
97-. The work extends for 226-330 A.D. The author was secretary to
Tiridates, but the work as we have it is a reduction made, however, not
long after, as it was used by Moses of Khorene. This was in turn later
(seventh century?) retouched by some Greek hagiographer. This Greek form
is extant in MSS. at Florence and Paris (cf. editions above), and there
is reason to suppose that the extant Armenian is a version from this
Greek form. But with its additions of errantly apocryphal matter, it is
hard to tell what is what, and so all considerable mention of the
relation of Constantine and Tiridates has been left out of the account
of Constantine's life. Yet we must hesitate to put it all down under the
mythical; for Tiridates certainly had intercourse with the Romans, and
the original form of this life was certainly by a competent hand, and
the matter relating to Constantine is in part soberly historical enough.
For farther information, compare Davidson on
Gregorius Illuminator, in Smith & W., Dict. 2. 737-739;
Introduction, Langlois, p. 99-103.
(26) FAUSTUS OF BYZANTIUM (320-392). Historical
Library. French translation from the Armenian in Langlois Coll. d. hist.
Arm. 1. 201-310. There are mentions of Constantine and Tiridates in Bk.
3, chaps. 10 and 21. The work is open to some suspicions of having been
tampered with, but Langlois inclines to give it a fairly good
character. If genuine, the mention of the treaty with Tiridates would
nearly establish it as historical fact.
Compare Beauvois Nouv. biog. gén. 17 (1856),
203, and Introduction of Langlois; also, literature in Chevalier.
The writers of the following centuries are for the
most part Christian, uncertain or religiously unknown, excepting the
very pronounced non-Christian who heads the list.
(27) ZOSIMUS (ft. ab. 400-450). History. Ed. Bekker
(Bonn, 1837), 8vo. Section on Constantine occupying Bk. 2. 8-- , p.
72-106. The date of this writer has been put as easy as the fourth
century and as late as the end of the fifth. It will be safe to divide
extremes. He is a heathen who, on the period of Constantine, draws from
an anti-Christian and anti-Constantinian source, and who regards the
introduction of Christianity as a chief cause of the decline of the
Roman Empire (cf. various passages cited by Milligan). He is prejudiced
against Christianity with the bitter prejudice of one who finds himself
in a steadily narrowing minority, and he is occasionally credulous. But
he wrote in a clear, interesting style, without intentional
falsifications, and was quite as moderate as the Christian writer
(Evagrius 3. 41) who calls Zosimus himself a "fiend of hell." His
extended account is therefore of great value among the sources, and
especially as it is probably drawn in large measure from the earlier
lost work of Eunapius.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
1225-1227: Mason, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 1334-1335; also, for
literature, Chevalier and Engelmann, and for editions, Engelmann.
ANONYMUS VALESIANUS (fifth century). Ed. Valesius
(Paris, 1636), p. 471-476. This fragment, first published by Valesius in
the above editions of Ammianus, is of the highest value for the life of
Constantine. It is evidently drawn from various sources, many of which
are now lost. The compiler or writer shows a judiciousness and
soberness which commends his statements as peculiarly
trustworthy.Compare the exhaustive examination by Ohnesorge, Der
Anonymus Valesii de Constantino. Kiel, 1885. 8vo.
(27) STEPHEN OF BYZANTIUM (ab. 400). Greek Cities.
Venet. Aldus, 1502, fol. H. iii. s.v.
N<greek>aisssd</greek>. The work is a dictionary of
geography, and the fact in these few lines is of first value. Compare
Smith, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 904-906. Chevalier Hoffmann, etc.
(28) SOZOMEN (b. ab. 400). Ecclesiastical History.
Ed. Hussey, English translation, London. Bohn, 1855; newly edited
by Hartranft in Schaff, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 2 (1890)
[in press]. This history covers the period 323-423 (not 439). He draws
largely from Eusebius. He has been described rightly (Dowling,
450
Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 31) as relatively inaccurate, rhetorical and
credulous. But he works from sources, though mainly from exact ones. For
father discussion, compare Hartranft in volume 2 of this series.
Compare also Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 722-723, and
literature in Chevalier.
(29) SOCRATES (b. ab. 408). Ecclesiastical History.
Ed. Hussey, reprinted with Introduction by Bright, Oxf. 1878. English
translation London, Bohn, newly edited by Zenos in volume 2 of this
series [in press]. This history covers the period 306-439. It is written
with general good judgment, but for Constantine adds little to Eusebius
of which it professes to be a continuation.
For farther description and discussion, compare
Zenos, Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1887), 709-711, and literature in
Chevalier.
(30) THEODORET (h. ab. 393?-457?). Ecclesiastical
History. In Migne, Patrol. Gr. 82 (1859), 879-1280. English translation
London, Bohn, 1854. The birth of Theodoret has been placed at various
dates, 386, 387, 393, &c., and the exact time of his death (453-458)
is equally uncertain. This work reaches from 324 to 429, and is
generally regarded as learned and impartial. It gives much concerning
Constantine's relations to the Arian controversy and incorporates many
documents, which appear to be taken mainly from Eusebius' Life of
Constantine. A chief value is, it would seem, for the text of Eusebius.
But his very use of documents shows care and gives value.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
904-919; Newman, Hist. Sketches, 2 (I876), 303-362; Schaff, Hist. of
Church, 3 (1884), 881-882; and literature in Chevalier; also for
editions, Graesse and Hoffmann.
(31) OROSIUS, PAULUS (ab. 417). Histories, Bk. 7,
chaps. 26-28. Ed. Migne Patrol. Lat. 31 (1846), 6351174; section relying
to Constantine occupies 1128-1137. For many editions and MSS. compare
Schoenemann, Bibl. Patr. Lat. 2 (1794), 481-507, and Engelmann, 2
(1882), 441-. It is said (Manso) that Orosius adds nothing to existing
material. This is only in part true. At all events, his value as
corroboratory evidence is considerable, brief as the work is.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W, 4 (1887),
157-158; Ebert, Gesch. d. chr. Lat. Lit. 1 (1874), 323-330, and
literature in Chevalier and Engelmann.
(32) PROSPER AQUITANUS (403--463 +). Chronicle. Ed.
Migne, Patrol Lat. 51 (1861), 535-606 (8). Portion relating to
Constantine, 574-576. The Chronicle extends to 444 or 455. To 326 he
depends mainly on Eusebius' Chronicle, and for the rest of our period on
the continuation of Hieronymus.
Compare Phillott, in Smith & W. 3 (1882),
492-497; Teuffel, Hist. of Rom. Lit. 2 (Lond. 1873), 482-484; and for
literature, editions, &c., Chevalier, Engelmann, &c.
(33) IDATIUS (468+). List Consuls (Fasti Idatiani).
In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 51 (1861), 891-914; portion relating to
Constantine, 907-908. Idatius lived until after 469. This work, which is
net generally acknowledged to be his, although quoted under his name,
ends in 468. It contains brief statements of some events under the most
significant years.Compare Ramsay, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), and
literature under "Idace de Lamego," in Chevalier.
(34) GELASIUS OF CYZICUS (ab. 450-). History of the
Council of Nicaea. In Labbe, Concilia, 2 (1671), 103-286. There is also
an abstract in Photius, Bibl. Cod. 88, ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 103
(1860), 293-296. Venables is probably just when he says: "His work is
little more than a compilation from the ecclesiastical histories of
Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, to which he has added little
but what is very doubtful or manifestly untrue." There is a little on
Constantine not in those sources, but to try to fix on any of it as
authoritative quite battles one. Still, it is not wholly clear that he
did not use sources, as well as his own imagination, in adding to the
other sources. It may be said to be "of doubtful value," as source. It
is not easy to see what Venables means in saying that the third hook,
as we have it, gives only three letters of Constantine.This is true;
but the second book, "as we have it," gives several more. Compare
Venables, in Smith & W. 2 (1880), 621-623.
(35) JACOBUS OF SARUG (452-521). Homily on the
Baptism of Constantine, Ed. Frothingham, Roma, 1882. For further
information consult the extended study of Frothingham.
(25) PHILOSTORGIUS (b. ab. 468). English translation
by Walford (Lond. Bohn, 1855), 425-528. The original work covered the
period between 300 and 425. The fragments preserved contain several
interesting facts, or fictions, relating to Constantine, some not found
elsewhere. Photius and all the orthodox have always called him
untrustworthy or worse, and a very unorthodox critic (Gibbon) finds him
passionate, prejudiced and ignorant; but it seems to be agreed that he
used some sources not availed of by others.
Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 4 (1587), 390;
Dowling, Study of Eccl. Hist. p. 26-27; and literature in Chevalier.
(26) HESYCHIUS MILESIUS (ab. 500?--). Origins of Constantinople. In
Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 146-155; also in ed. Orelli (Lips. 1820).
59-73. Hesychius, surnamed Illustris, of Miletus lived in the early part
of the sixth century. This work contains several allusions to the
founding of the city of Constantine. It seems to have been taken almost
word for word in parts by Codinus.
Compare Venables, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 12-13;
Means, in Smith, Dict. 2 (1859), 447-448; Miller, Fragm. 4 (1868),
143-145; also literature in Chevalier, and editions and literature in
Engelmann.
451
(27) CASSlODORUS (ab. 468-561 +). Tripartite History. In
Opera, ed. Garetius, (1) (Rotom. 1679, fol.), b I-b 372. On Constantine,
especially p. 207-243. (Same ed. in Migne, Patrol Lat. 69 [1865],
879-1214.) Cassiodorus was born about 468 and lived to be more than
ninety-three years old. This work is an epitome of Socrates, Sozomen,
and Theodoret, and has no additional value as source. A work on the
Goths has been preserved to us only in an epitome by Jordanes. See
Jordanes.
Compare Young, in Smith & W. I (1877), 416-418,
or (better for this work) Ramsay, in Smith, I (1859), 623-625; and for
literature and editions, Chevalier, Engelmann, Graesse, etc.
(28) LYDUS, JOANNES (LAURENTIUS) (490--550+). De
Mensibus ; De Magistratibus; De Ostentis, passim. Ed. Bekker, in Corp.
Hist. Byz. (1837). Other editions of the various works may be found
noticed in Graesse, Trésor, 4 (1863), 122; Brunet, Manuel, 3
(1862), 880; Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. I (1880), 478-479; Hoffmann,
Lex. He was born at Philadelphia in 490, and lived some time after 550.
He was a heathen, but respects toward Christianity (Photius, Cod. 180).
He mentions Constantine ten or a dozen times; e.g. his foundation of
Constantinople (De O. 21. 5), Constantine's learning and military skill
(De mag. 3. 53), and quotes (De magister. 3. 33, ed. Bonn., p. 226),
Constantine's own writings.
Compare Photius, Cod. 180; Means, in Smith, Dict. 2
(1859), 600; Hase, Pref. and in ed. Bekker; Joubert, in Nouv. biog.
gén. (Hoefer), 32 (1860), 388-391; and for farther literature,
Chevalier and the article of Joubert, and Engelmann, Bibl. scr. class. 1
(1880), 479.
(29) JORDANES (or JORNANDES) (-551 ?). History of
the Goths, (De Getarum origine et rebus gestis). In Cassiodorus, Opera,
ed. Garetius, 1 (Rotom. 1679), 397-425; same ed. in Migne, Patrol. Lat.
69 (1865), 12511296. This work on the Goths is said by its author to be
an epitome of the work of Cassiodorus. It says (p. 406-407) that
Constantine employed Goths in his campaign against Licinius, and also in
the building of Constantinople. It was composed in 551 or 552 (cf.
Wattenbach, Deutschland's Geschichtsq. 1 [1877], 66).
Compare Hodgkin, in Encycl. Brit. 13 (1881),
747-749; Acland, in Smith & W. 3 (1882), 431-438 (exhaustive); and
abundant literature in Chevalier, Engelmann, Wattenbach, &c.; also
editions in Engelmann, "Potthast. Bibl. hist. med. rev. 1862, p. 102,"
&c.
(30) ANONYMOUS, QUI DIONIS CASSII HISTORIAS
CONTINUAVIT (sixth century ?). 14. Licinius (18 lines); 15-Constantinus
(9 lines). In MüIIer, Fragm. 4 (1868), 199; of especially Introd.
in MüIIer, p. 191-192. These were first published by Ang. Mai in
Script. Vet. Nov. Call. 2, 135-, 527-, and are found also in various
editions of Dion Cassius; e.g. ed. Sturz. 9 (Spz. 1843). Mai strongly
inclines to suspect that Johannes Antiochenus is the author. but this
Müller (p. 191) argues to be impossible. They are sometimes
referred to as Excerpta Vaticana. Petrus Patricius and various others
have been suggested as authors, but all that is affirmed with any
assurance is that the author was a Christian. This is on the ground of
Diocletianus, 1 (p. 198). The fragments are very brief, but contain
several little facts and turns not found elsewhere.
(31) EVAGRIUS (536?-594+). Ecclesiastical History,
3. 40-41. English translation (1709), 472-474. A violent invective
against and disproval of the charges of Zosimus against Constantine and
adds nothing to historical facts. Compare Milligan, in Smith & W. 2
(1880), 423-424.
(32) PROCOPIUS CAESARIENSIS (fl. 547--565).
Histories. Ed. Dindorf Bonn, 1833-1838 3 v. Two or three slight
mentions, of which the nearest to any account is the division of the
empire by Constantine, and the founding of Constantinople (De bel. Vand,
I. I). He flourished from about 547 to 565. Whether he was Christian or
heathen is uncertain. He is characterized by peculiar truthfulness (cf.
his De aedif. 1; Praf. ed. Bonn, v. 3, 170--, and Milligan).
Compare Milligian in Smith & W. 4 (1887),
487-488; Plate, in Smith, Dict. 3, 538-540; also for literature,
Chevalier and Engelmann, 1. 655; and for editions, Milligan, Plate, and
the various bibliographies. (33) PETRUS PATRICIUS (fl. 550--562).
Fragments. In Müller, Fragm. 4 (1868), 189.Gives account of an
embassy of Licinius to Constantine.
Compare Means, in Smith, Dict. 3 (1859), 226--227; also
Chevalier and Hoffmann.(34) GREGORY OF TOURS (ab. 573-594). History of
the Franks, 1. 34. Ed. Ruinart (Paris, 1699), 27, &c. (?) History of
the Seven Sleepers, do. 1272-1273, &c. Liber miraculorum, do.
725-729. The edition of Ruinart is reprinted in Migne, Patrol. Lat. vol.
71 (1867).In the first of these he quotes as authorities, Eusebius and
Junius; the latter are full of legendary matter. Compare Buchanan, in
Smith & W. 2 (1880), 771-776;also for editions and literature,
Engelmann, Chevalier,
and Graesse.
(35) CHRONICON PASCHALE (ab. 630 A.D.) Ed. Dindorf,
Bonn, 1832, 2 v.; section relating to Constantine occupies vol. 1, p.
516-533. Ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 92 (Paris, 1865). The work is a
chronicle of the world from the creation until 630. It has been thought,
but on insufficient grounds (cf. Salmon), that the first part ended
with A.D. 354 and was written about that time. It is really a
homogeneous work and written probably not long after 630 A.D. (Salmon).
It is frequently quoted, unfortunately as Alexandrian Chronicle (e.g.
M'Clintock and Strong Cycl.). The chief value is the chronological, but
the author has used good sources and presumably some not now extant. It
has something the value of a primary source of second rate.
452
Compare Salmon, In Smith & W. I. (1877),
509-513; Clinton Fasti. Rom. 2 (1850), 169; Ideler, Handb. d. Chron. 2
(1826), 350-351, 462-463; and for literature and editions Salmon.
(36) Anonymous Acts of Metrophanes and Alexander
seventh century ?), "in which is contorted also a life of the emperor
Constantine the Great." In Photius, Cod. 256; ed. Migne, Patrol Gr. 104
(1860), 105-120. A more complete recession of this anonymous piece was
edited by Combefis, who regards it as the work of a contemporary,
written therefore in the middle of the fourth century (cf. his Hist.
Mon. p. 573, taste Fabricius). The authentic details can be traced word
for word, according to Tillemont, in other historians, while impossible
statements show it to be not the work of a contemporary. It seems to
fall under the class of works where "What is true is not new, and what
is new is not true," but it can hardly be regarded as sufficiently
determined whether or no it is worthless.Compare Tillemont, Mem. 7
(1732), 657; Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. 9 (1737), 124 and 498; Acta. SS. Nov,
I.
(37) JOHANNES ANTIOCHENUS (ft. 61O--650).
Chronological History. Fragments in Müller, 4 (1868), 535(8)-622;
Fragm. 168-169, on Constantius and Galerius and 170-171a, on
Constantine, p. 602-603. This writer is to be distinguished from
Johannes Malalas, also known as Johannes Antiochenus. He flourished
somewhere between 610-650 (Müller, p. 536). The sections relating
to Constantine are in the main exactly correspondent to Eutropius. It
has been conjectured (Müller, p. 1538) that Eutropius and Johannes
copied from a common Greek source; but the curious error in the section
on Constantine (p. 603), by which "commodae" is converted into a proper
name, and becomes the name of the sister whose son Constantine put to
death, shows it to have been translated from the Latin. The work of
Johannes has, however, some interesting suggestions and additions; e.g.
its paraphrase of the word "dubius" in the characterization of
Constantine's conduct towards his friends.
Compare Müller, p. 535-538; Means, in Smith,
Dict. 2 (1859), 587; also article of Stokes, and other literature under
Malalas.
(38) MALALAS (=JOHN of Antioch)(ab. 700).
Chronography, Bk. 13, 1-11. Ed. Dindorf (Bonnae, 1831); in Corp. ser.
hist. Byz. (section on Constantine, p. 316-324); also in Migne, Patrol.
Gr. 97 (Par. 1865), 1-70. Earlier editions are, Oxf. 1691, 80; Venice,
1733, fol. [reprint of 1691, "quite useless"]. Lived about 700
(Müller, Fragm. 4 [1868], 536), or about 650 (Chevalier, 1205). He
has been placed as late as ninth century (Hody), and as early as 601
(Cave). Noting is known of his personal history. He is to be
distinguished from the John of Antioch in Müller's Fragm. who is
earlier than Malalas. He is very credulous and inaccurate and the
section on Constantine is no exception to the rule.
Compare Prolegomena of Hody and Dindorf; Stokes, in
Smith & W. 3 (1882), 787-788, &c.; and farther literature in
Chevalier, Rép. 1205; Hoefer, Nouv. biog. gén. 32 (1060),
1007, and the article of Stokes.
(39) PSEUDO-ISIDORE (eighth cent.?). Decretals. In Migne, Patrol. Lat.
130 (1853), 245-252. The famous "Donation of Constantion," which appears
here for the first time. See under The Mythical Constantine. Compare
Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 268-733; and for literature,
Chevailer under Isidore Mercator; also the literature of the Danation.
(40) THEOPHANES (758-818). Chronography. Ed.
Classen, Bonn. 1839-41, 2 v. Section on Constantine occupying vol. 1, p.
10-51; also in Migne, Patrol. Gr. 108 (186). This work "is justly
regarded as one of the most important in the what series of Byzantine
historians" (Dowling, p. 69). Theophanes was friend of Georgius
Syncellus; and at his request (Proem. p. 5) took up the latter work at
the point where he left off (Diocletian), extending it to 811. He is an
authority of judgment and wright for matters relating to his own times,
and on quite a different level of historical character from Cedrenus and
Zonaras. Although of very much less value for Constantine, he shows
even here a certain historical judgment and discrimination. His book is
an intelligent work from various sources, one of which is Eusebius He
says that he has diligently examined many works, and reports nothing on
his own authority, but on the authority of ancient historiographers and
"logographers" (Proem. p. 5).
Compare Dowling lntrod. (Loud. 1838), 69-70; Smith,
in Smith, Dict. 3. 1082-1083; Gass, in Herzog, Real Enc. 15 (1885),
536-537; Acta sanctorum Boll. March 12; and for (extensive) literature,
Chevalier. (41) ANASTASIUS BIBLIOTHECARIUS (d. 879). Lives of the Roman
Pontiffs. In Migne, Patrol. Lat. 127-128
(1852).34. S. Silvester, vol. 127, 1511-1527. Small use.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of the Church, 4 (1885),
774-776; and for literature and editions, Chevalier and Graesse.
(42) PHOTIUS (ninth cent.). Bibliotheca. In Migne,
Patrol. Gr. vols. 103-104 (1860). Contains excerpts from and comments on
Praxagoras, Eunapius, Gelasius, Anon. Metroph., and Eusebius which see.
Compare Schaff, Hist. of Church, 4 (1885), 636-642; Means, in Smith,
Diet. 3 (1859), 347-355,
(43) CONSTANTINUS PORPHYROGENITUS (c. VII.) (ft.
911-959). De thematibus. Ed. Bekker (Bonn. 1840), 1-64, in Corp. ser.
hist. Byz.; and in ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 113 (1864), 63-140. Gives (2.
8, ed. Bonn. p. 57-58) account of division of the empire among his sons
by Constantine. He also mentions in his De cer. aul. Byz. (ed. Reiske,
Bonn. 1829; ed. Migne, Patrol. Gr. 112); e.g. the "cross of Constantine"
several times mentioned, and gives a few facts of archaeological
interest. Constantinus VII was emperor 911-959.
THE LIFE
OF THE
BLESSED EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,
BY
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
Preface.-- Of the Death of Constantine.
ALREADY (1) have all mankind united in celebrating
with joyous festivities the completion of the second and third decennial
period of this great emperor's reign; already have we ourselves
received him as a triumphant conqueror in the assembly of God's
ministers, and greeted him with the due meed of praise on the twentieth
anniversary of his reign: (2) and still more recently we have woven, as
it were, garlands of words, wherewith we encircled his sacred head in
his own palace on his thirtieth anniversary. (3)
But now, while I desire (4) to give utterance to
some of the customary sentiments, I stand perplexed and doubtful which
way to turn, being wholly lost in wonder at the extraordinary spectacle
before me. For to whatever quarter I direct my view, whether to the
east, or to the west, or over the whole world, or toward heaven itself,
everywhere and always I see the blessed one yet administering the
self-same empire. On earth I behold his sons, like some new reflectors
of his brightness, diffusing everywhere the luster of their father's
character, (5) and himself still living and powerful, and governing all
the affairs of men more completely than ever before, being multiplied in
the succession of his children. They had indeed had previously the
dignity of Caesars; (6) but now, being invested with his very self, and
graced by his accomplishments, for the excellence of their piety they
are proclaimed by the titles of Sovereign, Augustus, Worshipful, and
Emperor.
CHAPTER II.
The Preface continued.
And I am indeed amazed, when I consider that he who
was but lately visible and present with us in his mortal body, is still,
even after death, when the natural thought disclaims everything
superfluous as unsuitable, most marvelously endowed with the same
imperial dwellings, and honors, and praises as heretofore. (1) But
farther,
482
when I raise my thoughts even to the arch of heaven, and there
contemplate his thrice-blessed soul in communion with God himself, freed
from every mortal and earthly vesture, and shining in a refulgent robe
of light, and when I perceive that it is no more connected with the
fleeting periods and occupations of mortal life, but honored with an
ever-blooming crown, and an immortality of endless and blessed
existence, I stand as it were without power of speech or thought
(2) and unable to utter a single phrase, but condemning my own weakness,
and imposing silence on myself, I resign the task of speaking his
praises worthily to one who is better able, even to him who, being the
immortal God and veritable Word, alone has power to confirm his own
saying. (3)
CHAPTER III.
How God honors Pious Princes, but destroys
Tyrants.
Having given assurance that those who glorify and
honor him will meet with an abundant recompense at his hands, while
those who set themselves against him as enemies and adversaries will
compass the ruin of their own souls, he has already established the
truth of these his own declarations, having shown on the one hand the
fearful end of those tyrants who denied and opposed him, (1) and at the
same time having made it manifest that even the death of his servant, as
well as his life, is worthy of admiration and praise, and justly claims
the memorial, not merely of perishable, but of immortal monuments.
Mankind, devising some consolation for the frail and
precarious duration of human life, have thought by the erection of
monuments to glorify the memories of their ancestors with immortal
honors. Some have employed the vivid delineations and colors of painting
(2) ; some have carved statues from lifeless blocks of wood; while
others, by engraving their inscriptions deep on tablets (3) and
monuments, have thought to transmit the virtues of those whom they
honored to perpetual remembrance. All these indeed are perishable, and
consumed by the lapse of time, being representations of the corruptible
body, and not expressing the image of the immortal soul. And yet these
seemed sufficient to those who had no well-grounded hope of happiness
after the termination of this mortal life. But God, that God, I say, who
is the common Saviour of all, having treasured up with himself, for
those who love godliness, greater blessings than human thought has
conceived, gives the earnest and first-fruits of future rewards even
here, assuring in some sort immortal hopes to mortal eyes. The ancient
oracles of the prophets, delivered to us in the Scripture, declare this;
the lives of pious men, who shone in old time with every virtue, bear
witness to posterity of the same; and our own days prove it to be true,
wherein Constantine, who alone of all that ever wielded the Roman power
was the friend of God the Sovereign of all, has appeared to all mankind
so clear an example of a godly life.
CHAPTER IV.
That God honored Constantine.
And God himself, whom Constantine worshiped, has
confirmed this truth by the clearest manifestations of his will, being
present to aid him (1) at the commencement, during the course, and at
the end of his reign, and holding him up to the human race as an
instructive example of godliness. Accordingly, by the manifold blessings
he has conferred on him, he has distinguished him alone of all the
sovereigns of whom we have ever heard as at once a mighty luminary and
most clear-voiced herald of genuine piety.
CHAPTER V.
That he reigned above Thirty Years, and lived
above Sixty.
With respect to the duration of his reign, God
honored him with three complete periods of ten years, and something
more, extending the whole term of his mortal life to twice this number
of years. (1) And being pleased to make him a representative of his own
sovereign power, he displayed him as the conqueror of the whole race of
tyrants, and the destroyer of those God-defying giants (2) of the earth
who madly raised
483
their impious arms against him, the supreme King of all. They appeared,
so to speak, for an instant, and then disappeared: while the one and
only true God, when he had enabled his servant, clad in heavenly
panoply, to stand singly against many foes, and by his means had
relieved mankind from the multitude of the ungodly, constituted him a
teacher of his worship to all nations, to testify with a loud voice in
the hearing of all that he acknowledged the true God, and turned with
abhorrence from the error of them that are no gods.
CHAFFER VI.
That he was the Servant of God, and the Conqueror of Nations.
Thus, like a faithful and good servant, did he act
and testify, openly declaring and confessing himself the obedient
minister of the supreme King. And God forthwith rewarded him, by making
him ruler and sovereign, and victorious to such a degree that he alone
of all rulers pursued a continual course of conquest, unsubdued and
invincible, and through his trophies a greater ruler than tradition
records ever to have been before. So dear was he to God, and so blessed;
so pious and so fortunate in all that he undertook, that with the
greatest facility he obtained the authority over more nations than any
who had preceded him, (1) and yet retained his power, undisturbed, to
the very close of his life.
CHAFFER VII.
Comparison with Cyrus, King of the Persians and with Alexander of
Macedon.
Ancient history describes Cyrus, king of the
Persians, as by far the most illustrious of all kings up to his time.
And yet if we regard the end of his days, (1) we find it but little
corresponded with his past prosperity, since he met with an inglorious
and dishonorable death at the hands of a woman. (2)
Again, the sons of Greece celebrate Alexander the
Macedonian as the conqueror of many and diverse nations; yet we find
that he was removed by an early death, before he had reached maturity,
being carried off by the effects of revelry and drunkenness. (3) His
whole life embraced but the space of thirty-two years, and his reign
extended to no more than a third part of that period. Unsparing as the
thunderbolt, he advanced through streams of blood and reduced entire
nations and cities, young and old, to utter slavery. But when he had
scarcely arrived at the maturity of life, and was lamenting the loss of
youthful pleasures, death fell upon him with terrible stroke, and, that
he might not longer outrage the human race, cut him off in a foreign and
hostile land, childless, without successor, and homeless. His kingdom
too was instantly dismembered, each of his officers taking away and
appropriating a portion for himself. And yet this man is extolled for
such deeds as these. (4)
CHAPTER VIII.
That he conquered nearly the Whale World.
But our emperor began his reign at the time of life
at which the Macedonian died, yet doubled the length of his life, and
trebled the length of his reign. And instructing his army in the mild
and sober precepts of godliness, he carried his arms as far as the
Britons, and the nations that dwell in the very bosom of the Western
ocean. He subdued likewise all Scythia, though situated in the remotest
North, and divided into numberless diverse and barbarous tribes. He even
pushed his conquests to the Blemmyans and Ethiopians, on the very
confines of the South nor did he think the acquisition of the Eastern
nations unworthy his care. In short, diffusing the effulgence of his
holy light to the ends of the whole world, even to the most distant
Indians, the nations dwelling on the extreme circumference of the
inhabited earth, he received the submission of all the rulers, (1)
governors, (2) and satraps of barbarous nations, who cheerfully welcomed
and saluted him, sending embassies and presents, and setting the
highest value on his acquaintance and friendship; insomuch that they
honored him with pictures and statues in their respective countries,
and Constantine alone of all emperors was acknowledged and celebrated
by all. Notwithstanding, even among these distant
484
tions, he proclaimed the name of his God in his royal edicts with all
boldness.
CHAPTER IX.
Thathe was the San of a Pious Emperor, and bequeathed the Power to
Royal Sons.
Nor did he give this testimony in words merely,
while exhibiting failure in his own practice, but pursued every path of
virtue, and was rich in the varied fruits of godliness. He ensured the
affection of his friends by magnificent proofs of liberality; and
inasmuch as he governed on principles of humanity, he caused his rule to
be but lightly felt and acceptable to all classes of his subjects;
until at last, after a long course of years, and when he was wearied by
his divine labors, the God whom he honored crowned him with an immortal
reward, and translated him from a transitory kingdom to that endless
life which he has laid up in store for the souls of his saints, after he
had raised him up three sons to succeed him in his power. As then the
imperial throne had descended to him from his father, so, by the law of
nature, was it reserved for his children and their descendants, and
perpetuated, like some paternal inheritance, to endless generations.
And indeed God himself, who distinguished this blessed prince with
divine honors while yet present with us, and who has adorned his death
with choice blessings from his own hand, should be the writer of his
actions; since he has recorded his labors and successes on heavenly
monuments. (1)
CHAPTER X.
Of the Need for this History, and its Value for
Edification.
HOWEVER, hard as it is to speak worthily of this
blessed character, and though silence were the safer and less perilous
course, nevertheless it is incumbent on me, if I would escape the charge
of negligence and sloth, to trace as it were a verbal portraiture, by
way of memorial of the pious prince, in imitation of the delineations
of human art. For I should be ashamed of myself were I not to employ my
best efforts, feeble though they be and of little value, in praise of
one who honored God with such surpassing devotion. I think too that my
work will be on other grounds both instructive and necessary, since it
will contain a description of those royal and noble actions which are
pleasing to God, the Sovereign of all. For would it not be disgraceful
that the memory of Nero, and other impious and godless tyrants far
worse than he, should meet with diligent writers to embellish the
relation of their worthless deeds with elegant language, and record
them in voluminous histories, and that I should be silent, to whom God
himself has vouchsafed such an emperor as all history records not, and
has permitted me to come into his presence, and enjoy his acquaintance
and society ? (1)
Wherefore, if it is the duty of any one, it
certainly is mine, to make an ample proclamation of his virtues to all
in whom the example of noble actions is capable of inspiring the love of
God. For some who have written the lives of worthless characters, and
the history of actions but little tending to the improvement of morals,
from private motives, either love or enmity, and possibly in some cases
with no better object than the display of their own learning, have
exaggerated unduly their description of actions intrinsically base, by
a refinement and elegance of diction. (2) And thus they have become to
those who by the Divine favor had been kept apart from evil, teachers
not of good, but of what should be silenced in oblivion and darkness.
But my narrative, however unequal to the greatness of the deeds it has
to describe, will yet derive luster even from the bare relation of
noble actions. And surely the record of conduct that has been pleasing
to God will afford a far from unprofitable, indeed a most instructive
study, to persons of well-disposed minds.
CHAPTER XI.
That his Present Object is to record only the Pious Actions of
Constantine.
IT is my intention, therefore, to pass over the
greater part of the royal deeds of this thrice-blessed prince; as, for
example, his conflicts and engagements in the field, his personal valor,
his victories and successes against the enemy, and the many triumphs he
obtained: likewise his provisions for the interests of individuals, his
legislative enactments for the social advantage of his subjects, and a
multitude of other imperial labors which are fresh in the memory of
all; the design of my present undertaking being to speak and write of
those circumstances only which have reference to his religious
character.
And since these are themselves of almost infinite
variety, I shall select from the facts
485
which have come to my knowledge such as are most suitable, and worthy
of lasting record, and endeavor to narrate them as briefly as possible.
Henceforward, indeed, there is a full and opportunity for celebrating in
every way the praises of this truly blessed prince, which hitherto we
have been unable to do, oh the ground that we are forbidden to judge
any one blessed before his death, (1) because of the uncertain
vicissitudes of life. Let me implore then the help of God, and may the
inspiring aid of the heavenly Word be with me, while I commence my
history from the very earliest period of his life.
CHAPTER XII.
That like Moses, he was reared in the Palaces
of Kings.
ANCIENT history relates that a cruel race of tyrants oppressed the
Hebrew nation; and that God, who graciously regarded them in their
affliction, provided that the prophet Moses, who was then an infant,
should be brought up in the very palaces and bosoms of the oppressors,
and instructed in all the wisdom they possessed. And when in the course
of time he had arrived at manhood, and the time was come for Divine
justice to avenge the wrongs of the afflicted people, then the prophet
of God, in obedience to the will of a more powerful Lord, forsook the
royal household, and, estranging himself in word and deed from the
tyrants by whom he had been brought up, openly acknowledging his true
brethren and kinsfolk. Then God, exalting him to be the leader of the
whole nation, delivered the Hebrews from the bondage of their enemies,
and inflicted Divine vengeance through his means on the tyrant race.
This ancient story, though rejected by most as fabulous, has. reached
the ears of all. But now the same God has given to us to be
eye-witnesses of miracles more wonderful than fables, and, from their
recent appearance, more authentic than any report. For the tyrants of
our day have ventured to war against the Supreme God, and have sorely
afflicted His Church. (1) And in the midst of these, Constantine, who
was shortly to become their destroyer, but at that time of tender age,
and blooming with the down of early s youth, dwelt, as that other
servant of God had done, in the very home of the tyrants, (2) but
t young as he was did not share the manner of life of the ungodly: for
from that early period his noble nature, under the leading of the Divine
Spirit, inclined him to piety and a life acceptable to God. A desire,
moreover, to emulate the example of his father had its influence in
stimulating the son to a virtuous course of conduct His father was
Constantius (3) (and we ought to revive his memory at this time), the
most illustrious emperor of our age; of whose life it is necessary
briefly to relate a few particulars, which tell to the honor of his son.
CHAPTER XIII.
Of Constantius his Father, who refused to imitate Diocletian, Maximian,
and Maxentius, (1) in their Persecution of the Christians.
At a time when four emperors (2) shared the
administration of the Roman empire, Constantius alone, following a
course of conduct different from that pursued by his colleagues, entered
into the friendship of the Supreme God.
For while they besieged and wasted the churches of
God, leveling them to the ground, and obliterating the very foundations
of the houses of prayer, (3) he kept his hands pure from their
abominable impiety, and never in any respect resembled them. They
polluted their provinces by the indiscriminate slaughter of godly men
and women; but he kept his soul free from the stain of this crime.
(4)The involved in the mazes of impious idolatry, enthralled first
themselves, and then all under their authority, in bondage to the errors
of evil demons, while he at the same time originated the profoundest
peace throughout his dominions, and secured to his subjects the
privilege of celebrating without hindrance the worship of God. In
short, while his colleagues oppressed all men by the most grievous
exactions, and rendered their lives intolerable, and even worse than
death, Constantius alone governed his people with a mild and tranquil
sway, and exhibited towards them a truly parental and fostering
care. Numberless, indeed, are the other virtues of this man,
which are the theme of praise to all; of these I will record one or two
instances, as specimens of the quality of those which I must pass by in
silence, and then I will proceed to the appointed order of my narrative.
486
CHAPTER XIV.
How Constantius his Rather, being reproached with Poverty by,
Diocletian, filled his Treasury, and afterwards restored the Money to
those by whom it had been contributed.
In consequence of the many reports in circulation
respecting this prince, describing his kindness and gentleness of
character, and the extraordinary elevation of his piety, alleging too,
that by reason of his extreme indulgence to his subjects, he had not
even a supply of money laid up in his treasury; the emperor who at that
time occupied the place of supreme power sent to reprehend his neglect
of the public weal, at the same time reproaching him with poverty, and
alleging in proof of the charge the empty state of his treasury. On this
he desired the messengers of the emperor to remain with him awhile,
and, calling together the wealthiest of his subjects of all nations
under his dominion, he informed them that he was in want of money, and
that this was the time for them all to give a voluntary proof of their
affection for their prince.
As soon as they heard this (as though they had long
been desirous of an opportunity for showing the sincerity of their good
will), with zealous alacrity they filled the treasury with gold and
silver and other wealth; each eager to surpass the rest in the amount of
his contribution: and this they did with cheerful and joyous
countenances. And now Constantius desired the messengers of the great
emperor (1) personally to inspect his treasures, and directed them to
give a faithful report of what they had seen; adding, that on the
present occasion he had taken this money into his own hands, but that it
had long been kept for his use in the custody of the owners, as
securely as if under the charge of faithful treasurers. The ambassadors
were overwhelmed with astonishment at what they had witnessed: and on
their departure it is said that the truly generous prince sent for the
owners of the property, and, after commending them severally for their
obedience and true loyalty, restored it all, and bade them return to
their homes.
This one circumstance, then, conveys a proof of the
generosity of him whose character we are attempting to illustrate:
another will contain the clearest testimony to his piety.
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Persecution raised by his Colleagues.
By command of the supreme authorities of the empire,
the governors of the several provinces had set on foot a general
persecution of the godly. Indeed, it was from the imperial courts
themselves that the very first of the pious martyrs proceeded, who
passed through those conflicts for the faith, and most readily endured
both fire and sword, and the depths of the sea; every form of death, in
short, so that in a brief time all the royal palaces were bereft of
pious men. (1) The result was, that the authors of this wickedness were
entirely deprived of the protecting care of God, since by their
persecution of his worshipers they at the same time silenced the prayers
that were wont to be made on their own behalf.
CHAPTER XVI.
How Constantius, reigning Idolatry, expelled
those who consented to offer Sacrifice, but retained in his Palace all
who were willing to confess Christ.
On the other hand, Constantius conceived an
expedient full of sagacity, and did a thing which sounds paradoxical,
but in fact was most admirable.
He made a proposal to all the officers of his court,
including even those in the highest stations of authority, offering them
the following alternative: either that they should offer sacrifice to
demons, and thus be permitted to remain with him, and enjoy their usual
honors; or, in case of refusal, that they should be shut out from all
access to his person, and entirely disqualified from acquaintance and
association with him. Accordingly, when they had individually made
their choice, some one way and some the other; and the choice of each
had been ascertained, then this admirable prince disclosed the secret
meaning of his expedient, and condemned the cowardice and selfishness of
the one party, while he highly commended the other for their
conscientious devotion to God. He declared, too, that those who had been
false to their God must be unworthy of the confidence of their prince;
for how was it possible that they should preserve their fidelity to
him, who had proved themselves faithless to a higher power? He
determined, therefore, that such persons should be removed altogether
from the imperial court, while, on the other hand, declaring that those
men who, in bearing witness for the truth, had proved them-
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selves to be worthy servants of God, would manifest the same fidelity
to their king, he en-trusted them with the guardianship of his person
and empire, saying that he was bound to treat such persons with special
regard as his nearest and most valued friends, and to esteem them far
more highly than the richest treasures.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of his Christian Manner of Life.
The father of Constantine, then, is said to have
possessed such a character as we have briefly described. And what kind
of death was vouchsafed to him in consequence of such devotion to God,
and how far he whom he honored made his lot to differ from that of his
colleagues in the empire, may be known to any one who will give his
attention to the circumstances of the case. For after he had for a long
time given many proofs of royal virtue, in acknowledging the Supreme God
alone, and condemning the polytheism of the ungodly, and had fortified
his household by the prayers of holy men, (1) he passed the remainder
of his life in remarkable repose and tranquillity, in the enjoyment of
what is counted blessedness, --neither molesting others nor being
molested ourselves.
Accordingly, during the whole course of his quiet
and peaceful reign, he dedicated his entire household, his children, his
wife, and domestic attendants, to the One Supreme God: so that the
company assembled within the walls of his palace differed in no respect
from a church of God; wherein were also to be found his ministers, who
offered continual supplications on behalf of their prince, and this at a
time when, with most,(2) it was not allowable to have any dealings with
the worshipers of God, even so far as to exchange a word with them.
CHAPTER XVIII.
That after the Abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, Constantius
became Chief Augustus, and was blessed with a Numerous Offspring.
The immediate consequence of this conduct was a
recompense from the hand of God, insomuch that he came into the supreme
authority of the empire. For the older emperors, for some unknown
reason, resigned their power; and this sudden change took place in the
first year after their persecution of the churches. (1)
From that time Constantius alone received the honors
of chief Augustus, having been previously, indeed, distinguished by the
diadem of the imperial Caesars, (2) among whom he held the first rank;
but after his worth had been proved in this capacity, he was invested
with the highest dignity of the Roman empire, being named chief Augustus
of the four who were afterwards elected to that honor. Moreover, he
surpassed most of the emperors in regard to the number of his family,
having gathered around him a very large circle of children both male
and female. And, lastly, when he had attained to a happy old age, and
was about to pay the common debt of nature, and exchange this life for
another, God once more manifested His power in a special manner on his
behalf, by providing that his eldest son Constantine should be present
during his last moments, and ready to receive the imperial power from
his hands. (3)
CHAPTER XIX.
Of his Son Constantine, who in his Youth accompanied Diocletian into
Palestine.
The latter had been with his father's imperial
colleagues, (1) and had passed his life among them, as we have said,
like God's ancient prophet. And even in the very earliest period of his
youth he was judged by them to be worthy of the highest honor. An
instance of this we have ourselves seen, when he passed through
Palestine with the senior emperor, (2) at whose right hand he
stood, and commanded the admiration of all who beheld him by the
indications he gave even then of royal greatness. For no one was
comparable to him for grace and beauty of person, or height of stature;
and he so far surpassed his compeers in personal strength as to be a
terror to them. He was, however, even more conspicuous for the
excellence of his mental (3) qualities than for his superior physical
endowments; being gifted in the first place with a sound judgment, (4)
and having also reaped the advantages of a liberal education. He was
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also distinguished in no ordinary degree both by natural intelligence
and divinely imparted wisdom.
CHAPTER XX.
Flight of Constantine to his Father because of
the Plots of Diocletian. (1)
The emperors then in power, observing his manly and vigorous figure and
superior mind, were moved with feelings of jealousy and fear, and
thenceforward carefully watched for an opportunity of inflicting some
brand of disgrace on his character. But the young man, being aware of
their designs, the details of which, through the providence of God, more
than once came to him, sought safety in flight; (2) in this respect
again keeping up his resemblance to the great prophet Moses. Indeed, in
every sense God was his helper; and he had before ordained that he
should be present in readiness to succeed his father.
CHAPTER XXI.
Death of Constantius, who leaves his Son Constantine Emperor. (1)
IMMEDIATELY, therefore, on his escape from the plots
which had been thus insidiously laid for him, he made his way with all
haste to his father, and arrived at length at the very time that he was
lying at the point of death. (2) As soon as Constantius saw his son thus
unexpectedly in his presence, he leaped from his couch, embraced him
tenderly, and, declaring that the only anxiety which had troubled him
in the prospect of death, namely, that caused by the absence of his
son, was now removed, he rendered thanks to God, saying that he now
thought death better than the longest life, (3) and at once completed
the arrangement of his private affairs. Then, taking a final leave of
the circle of sons and daughters by whom he was surrounded, in his own
palace, and on the imperial couch, he bequeathed the empire, according
to the law of nature, (4) to his eldest son, and breathed his last.
CHAPTER XXII.
How, after the Burial of Constantius, Constantine was proclaimed
Augustus by the Army.
Nor did the imperial throne remain long unoccupied:
for Constantine invested himself with his father's purple, and proceeded
from his father's palace, presenting to all a renewal, as it were, in
his own person, of his father's life and reign. He then conducted the
funeral procession in company with his father's friends, some
preceding, others following the train, and performed the last offices
for the pious deceased with an extraordinary degree of magnificence,
and all united in honoring this thrice blessed prince with acclamations
and praises, and while with one mind and voice, they glorified the rule
of the son as a living again of him who was dead, they hastened at once
to hail their new sovereign by the titles of Imperial and Worshipful
Augustus, with joyful shouts. (1) Thus the memory of the deceased
emperor received honor from the praises bestowed upon his son, while
the latter was pronounced blessed in being the successor of such a
father. All the nations also under his dominion were filled with joy
and inexpressible gladness at not being even for a moment deprived of
the benefits of a well ordered government.
In the instance of the Emperor Constantius, God has
made manifest to our generation what the end of those is who in their
lives have honored and loved him.
CHAPTER XXIII.
A Brief Notice of the Destruction of the Tyrants.
With respect to the other princes, who made war
against the churches of God, I have not thought it fit in the present
work to give any account of their downfall, (1) nor to stain the memory
of the good by mentioning them in connection with those of an opposite
character. The knowledge of the facts themselves will of itself suffice
for the wholesome admonition of those who have witnessed or heard of the
evils which severally befell them.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
It was by the Will of God that Constantine became possessed of the
Empire.
Trays then the God of all, the Supreme Governor of
the whole universe, by his own will appointed Constantine, the
descendant of so renowned a parent, to be prince and sovereign
so that, while others have been raised to this distinction by the
election of their fellow-men, he is the only one to whose elevation no
mortal may boast of having contributed.
CHAPTER XXV.
Victories of Constantine over the Barbarians
and the Britons.
As soon then as he was established on the throne, he
began to care for the interests of his paternal inheritance, and visited
with much considerate kindness all those provinces which had previously
been under his father's government. Some tribes of the barbarians who
dwelt on the banks of the Rhine, and the shores of the Western ocean,
having ventured to revolt, he reduced them all to obedience, and
brought them from their savage state to one of gentleness. He contented
himself with checking the inroads of others, and drove from his
dominions, like untamed and savage beasts, those whom he perceived to
be altogether incapable of the settled order of civilized life. (1)
Having disposed of these affairs to his satisfaction, he directed his
attention to other quarters of the world, and first passed over to the
British nations, (2) which lie in the very bosom of the ocean. These he
reduced to submission, and then proceeded to consider the state of the
remaining portions of the empire, that he might be ready to tender his
aid wherever circumstances might require it.
CHAPTER XXVI.
How he resolved to deliver Rome from
Maxentius.
While, therefore, he regarded the entire world as
one immense body, and perceived that the head of it all, the royal city
of the Roman empire, was bowed down by the weight of a tyrannous
oppression; at first he had left the task of liberation to those who
governed the other divisions of the empire, as being his superiors in
point of age. But when none of these proved able to afford relief, and
those who had attempted it had experienced a disastrous termination of
their enterprise, (1) he said that life was without enjoyment to him as
long as he saw the imperial city thus afflicted, and prepared
himself for the overthrowal of the tyranny.
CHAPTER XXVII.
That after reflecting on the Dawn fall of those who had worshiped
Idols, he made Choice of Christianity.
Being convinced, however, that he needed some more
powerful aid than his military forces could afford him, on account of
the wicked and magical enchantments which were so diligently practiced
by the tyrant, (1) he sought Divine assistance, deeming the possession
of arms and a numerous soldiery of secondary importance, but believing
the co-operating power of Deity invincible and not to be shaken. He
considered, therefore, on what God he might rely for protection and
assistance. While engaged in this enquiry, the thought occurred to him,
that, of the many emperors who had preceded him, those who had rested
their hopes in a multitude of gods, and served them with sacrifices and
offerings, had in the first place been deceived by flattering
predictions, and oracles which promised them all prosperity, and at last
had met with an unhappy end, while not one of their gods had stood by
to warn them of the impending wrath of heaven; while one alone who had
pursued an entirely opposite course, who had condemned their error, and
honored the one Supreme God during his whole life, had formal I
him to be the Saviour and Protector of his empire, and the Giver of
every good thing. Reflecting on this, and well weighing the fact that
they who had trusted in many gods had also fallen by manifold forms of
death, without leaving behind them either family or offspring, stock,
name, or memorial among men: while the God of his father had given to
him, on the other hand, manifestations of his power and very many
tokens: and considering farther that those who had already taken arms
against the tyrant, and had marched to the battle-field under the
protection of a multitude of gods, had met with a dishonorable end (for
one of them (2) had shamefully retreated from the contest without a
blow, and the other, (3) being slain in the midst of
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his own troops, became, as it were, the mere sport of death (4) );
reviewing, I say, all these considerations, he judged it to be folly
indeed to join in the idle worship of those who were no gods, and, after
such convincing evidence, to err from the truth; and therefore felt it
incumbent on him to honor his father's God alone.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
How, while he was praying, God sent him a Vision of a Cross of Light in
the Heavens at Mid-day, with an Inscription admonishing him to conquer
by that.
ACCORDINGLY he called on him with earnest prayer and
supplications that he would reveal to him who he was, and stretch forth
his right hand to help him in his present difficulties. And while he was
thus praying with fervent entreaty, a most marvelous sign appeared to
him from heaven, the account of which it might have been hard to
believe had it been related by any other person. But since the
victorious emperor himself long afterwards declared it to the writer of
this history, (1) when he was honored with his acquaintance and society,
and confirmed his statement by an oath, who could hesitate to accredit
the relation, especially since the testimony of after-time has
established its truth? He said that about noon, when the day was already
beginning to decline, he saw with his own eyes the trophy of a cross of
light in the heavens, above the sun, and bearing the inscription,
CONQUER BY THIS. At this sight he himself was struck with amazement,
and his whole army also, which followed him on this expedition, and
witnessed the miracle. (2)
CHAFFER XXIX.
How the Christ of God appeared to him in his Sleep, and commanded him
to use in his Wars a Standard made in the Form of the Cross.
He said, moreover, that he doubted within himself
what the import of this apparition could be. And while he continued to
ponder and reason on its meaning, night suddenly came on ; then in his
sleep the Christ of God appeared to him with the same sign which he had
seen in the heavens, and commanded him to make a likeness of that sign
which he had seen in the heavens, and to use it as a safeguard in all
engagements with his enemies.
CHAPTER XXX.
The Making of the Standard of the Cross.
AT dawn of day he arose, and communicated the marvel
to his friends: and then, calling together the workers in gold and
precious stones, he sat in the midst of them, and described to them the
figure of the sign he had seen, bidding them represent it in gold and
precious stones. And this representation I myself have had an
opportunity of seeing.
CHAPTER XXXI.
A Description of the Standard of the Cross, which the Romans now call
the Labarum. (1)
Now it was made in the following manner. A long
spear, overlaid with gold, formed the
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figure of the cross by means of a transverse bar laid over it. On the
top of the whole was fixed a wreath of gold and precious stones; and
within this, (2) the symbol of the Saviour's name, two letters
indicating the name of Christ by means of its initial characters, the
letter P being intersected by X in its centre: (3) and these letters the
emperor was in the habit of wearing on his helmet at a later period.
From the cross-bar of the spear was suspended a cloth, (4) a royal
piece, covered with a profuse embroidery of most brilliant precious
stones; and which, being also richly interlaced with gold, presented an
indescribable degree of beauty to the beholder. This banner was of a
square form, and the upright staff, whose lower section was of great
length,(5) bore a golden half-length portrait (6) of the pious emperor
and his children on its upper part, beneath the trophy of the cross,
and immediately above the embroidered banner.
The emperor constantly made use of this sign
of salvation as a safeguard against every adverse and hostile power, and
commanded that others similar to it should be carried at the head of
all his armies.
CHAPTER XXXII.
How Constantine received Instruction, and read
the Sacred Scriptures.
These things were done shortly afterwards. But at
the time above specified, being struck with amazement at the
extraordinary vision, and resolving to worship no other God save Him who
had appeared to him, he sent for those who were acquainted with the
mysteries of His doctrines, and enquired who that God was, and what was
intended by the sign of the vision he had seen. They affirmed that He
was God, the only begotten Son of the one and only God: that the sign
which had appeared was the symbol of immortality, (1) and the trophy of
that victory over death which He had gained in time past when sojourning
on earth. They taught him also the causes of His advent, and explained
to him the true account of His incarnation. Thus he was instructed in
these matters, and was impressed with wonder at the divine
manifestation which had been presented to his sight. Comparing,
therefore, the heavenly vision with the interpretation given, he found
his judgment confirmed; and, in the persuasion that the knowledge of
these things had been imparted to him by Divine teaching, he determined
thenceforth to devote himself to the reading of the Inspired writings.
Moreover, he made the priests of God his counselors,
and deemed it incumbent on him to honor the God who had appeared to him
with all devotion. And after this, being fortified by well-grounded
hopes in Him, he hastened to quench the threatening fire of tyranny.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Of the Adulterous Conduct of Maxentius at
Rome. (1)
For the who had tyrannically possessed himself of
the imperial city, (2) had proceeded to great lengths in impiety and
wickedness, so as to venture without hesitation on every vile and impure
action.
For example: he would separate women from their
husbands, and after a time send them back to them again, and these
insults he offered not to men of mean or obscure condition, but
to those who held the first places in the Roman senate. Moreover,
though he shamefully dishonored almost numberless free women, he was
unable to satisfy his ungoverned and intemperate desires. But (3) when
he assayed to corrupt Christian women also, he could no longer secure
success to his designs, since they chose rather to submit their lives
(4) to death than yield their persons to be defiled by him.
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CHAPTER XXXIV.
How the Wife of a Prefect slew herself for
Chastity's Sake. (1)
Now a certain woman, wife of one of the senators who
held the authority of prefect, when she understood that those who
ministered to the tyrant in such matters were standing before her house
(she was a Christian), and knew that her husband through fear had bidden
them take her and lead her away, begged a short space of time for
arraying herself in her usual dress, and entered her chamber. There,
being left alone, she sheathed a sword in her own breast, and
immediately expired, leaving indeed her dead body to the procurers, but
declaring to all mankind, both to present and future generations, by an
act which spoke louder than any words, that the chastity for which
Christians are famed is the only thing which is invincible and
indestructible. Such was the conduct displayed by this Woman.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Massacre of the Roman People by Maxentius.
All men, therefore, both people and magistrates,
whether of high or low degree, trembled through fear of him whose daring
wickedness was such as I have described, and were oppressed by his
grievous tyranny. Nay, though they submitted quietly, and endured this
bitter servitude, still there was no escape from the tyrant's
sanguinary cruelty. For at one time, on some trifling pretense, he
exposed the populace to be slaughtered by his own body-guard; and
countless multitudes of the Roman people were slain in the very midst of
the city by the lances and weapons, not of Scythians or barbarians, but
of their own fellow-citizens. And besides this, it is impossible to
calculate the number of senators whose blood was shed with a view to the
seizure of their respective estates, for at different times and on
various fictitious charges, multitudes of them suffered death.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Magic Arts of Maxentius against Constantine;
and Famine at Rome.
BUT the crowning point of the tyrant's wickedness
was his having recourse to sorcery: sometimes for magic purposes ripping
up women with child, at other times searching into the bowels of
new-born infants. He slew lions also. and practiced certain horrid arts
for evoking demons, and averting the approaching war, hoping by these
means to get the victory. In short, it is impossible to describe the
manifold acts of oppression by which this tyrant of Rome enslaved his
subjects: so that by this time they were reduced to the most extreme
penury and want of necessary food, a scarcity such as our
contemporaries do not remember ever before to have existed at Rome. (1)
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Defeat of Maxentius's Armies in Italy.
Constantine, however, filled with compassion on
account of all these miseries, began to arm himself with all warlike
preparation against the tyranny. Assuming therefore the Supreme God as
his patron, and invoking His Christ to be his preserver and aid, and
setting the victorious trophy, the salutary symbol, in front of his
soldiers and body-guard, he marched with his whole forces, trying to
obtain again for the Romans the freedom they had inherited from their
ancestors.
And whereas, Maxentius, trusting more in his magic
arts than in the affection of his subjects, dared not even advance
outside the city gates, (1) but had guarded every place and district and
city subject to his tyranny, with large bodies of soldiers, (2) the
emperor, confiding in the help of God, advanced against the first and
second and third divisions of the tyrant's forces, defeated them all
with ease at the first assault, (3) and made his way into the very
interior of Italy.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Death of Maxentius on the Bridge of the Tiber. (1)
And already he was approaching very near-Rome
itself, when, to save him from the necessity of fighting with all the
Romans for the tyrant's sake, God himself drew the tyrant, as it were by
secret cords, a long way outside the gates. (2) And now those miracles
recorded in
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Holy Writ, which God of old wrought against the ungodly (discredited by
most as fables, yet believed by the faithful), did he in every deed
confirm to all alike, believers and unbelievers, who were eye-witnesses
of the wonders. For as once in the days of Moses and the Hebrew nation,
who were worshipers of God, "Pharaoh's chariots and his host hath he
cast into the sea and his chosen chariot-captains are drowned in the Red
Sea," (3) --so at this time Maxentius, and the soldiers and guards (4)
with him, "went down into the depths like stone," (5) when, in his
flight before the divinely-aided forces of Constantine, he essayed to
cross the river which lay in his way, over which, making a strong bridge
of boats, he had framed an engine of destruction, really against
himself, but in the hope of ca-snaring thereby him who was beloved by
God. For his God stood by the one to protect him, while the other,
godless, (6) proved to be the miserable contriver of these secret
devices to his own ruin. So that one might well say, "He hath made a
pit, and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he made. His
mischief shall return upon his own head, and his violence shall. come
down upon his own pate." (7) Thus, in the present instance, under divine
direction, the machine erected on the bridge, with the ambuscade
concealed therein, giving way unexpectedly before the appointed time,
the bridge began to sink, and the boats with the men in them went bodily
to the bottom. (8) And first the wretch himself, then his armed
attendants and guards, even as the sacred oracles had before described,
"sank as lead in the mighty waters." (9) So that they who thus obtained
victory from God might well, if not in the same words, yet in fact in
the same spirit as the people of his great servant Moses, sing and speak
as they did concerning the impious tyrant of old: "Let us sing unto the
Lord, for he hath been glorified exceedingly: the horse and his rider
hath he thrown into the sea. He is become my helper and my shield unto
salvation." And again, "Who is like unto thee, O Lord, among the gods?
who is like thee, glorious in holiness, marvelous in praises, doing
wonders?" (10)
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Constantine's Entry into Rome.
HAVING then at this time sung these and suchlike
praises to God, the Ruler of all and the Author of victory, after the
example of his great servant Moses, Constantine entered the imperial
city in triumph. And here the whole body of the senate, and others of
rank and distinction in the city, freed as it were from the restraint of
a prison, along with the whole Roman populace, their countenances
expressive of the gladness of their hearts, received him with
acclamations and abounding joy; men, women, and children, with countless
multitudes of servants, greeting him as deliverer, preserver, and
benefactor, with incessant shouts. But he, being possessed of inward
piety toward God, was neither rendered arrogant by these plaudits, nor
uplifted by the praises he heard: (1) but, being sensible that he had
received help from God, he immediately rendered a thanksgiving to him
as the Author of his victory.
CHAPTER XL.
Of the Statue of Constantine holding a Cross,
and its Inscription.
MOREOVER, by loud proclamation and monumental
inscriptions he made known to all men the salutary symbol, setting up
this great trophy of victory over his enemies in the midst of the
imperial city, and expressly causing it to be engraved in indelible
characters, that the salutary symbol was the safeguard of the
Roman government and of the entire empire. Accordingly, he
immediately ordered a lofty spear in the figure of a cross to be placed
beneath the hand of a statue representing himself, in the most
frequented part of Rome, and the following inscription to be engraved on
it in the Latin language: BY VIRTUE OF THIS SALUTARY SIGN, WHICH IS THE
TRUE TEST OF VALOR, I HAVE PRESERVED AND LIBERATED YOUR CITY FROM THE
YOKE OF TYRANNY. I HAVE ALSO SET AT LIBERTY THE ROMAN SENATE AND
PEOPLE, AND RESTORED THEM TO THEIR ANCIENT DISTINCTION AND SPLENDOR. (1)
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CHAPTER XLI.
Rejoicings throughout the Provinces; and Constantine's Acts of Grace.
Thus the pious emperor, glorying in the confession
of the victorious cross, proclaimed the Son of God to the Romans with
great boldness of testimony. And the inhabitants of the city, one and
all, senate and people, reviving, as it were, from the pressure of a
bitter and tyrannical domination, seemed to enjoy purer rays of light,
and to be born again into a fresh and new life. All the nations, too, as
far as the limit of the western ocean, being set free from the
calamities which had heretofore beset them, and gladdened by joyous
festivals, ceased not to praise him as the victorious, the pious, the
common benefactor: all, indeed, with one voice and one mouth,
declared that Constantine had appeared by the grace of God as a general
blessing to mankind. The imperial edict also was everywhere published,
whereby those who had been wrongfully deprived of their estates were
permitted again to enjoy their own, while those who had unjustly
suffered exile were recalled to their homes. Moreover, he freed from
imprisonment, and from every kind of danger and fear, those who, by
reason of the tyrant's cruelty, had been subject to these sufferings.
CHAPTER XLII.
The Honors conferred upon Bishops, and the
Building of Churches.
The emperor also personally inviting the society of
God's ministers, distinguished them with the highest possible respect
and honor, showing them favor in deed and word as persons consecrated to
the service of his God. Accordingly, they were admitted to his table,
though mean in their attire and outward appearance; yet not so in his
estimation, since he thought he saw not the man as seen by the vulgar
eye, but the God in him. He made them also his companions in travel,
believing that He whose servants they were would thus help him. Besides
this, he gave from his own private resources costly benefactions to the
churches of God, both enlarging and heightening the sacred edifices,
(1) and embellishing the august sanctuaries (2) of the church with
abundant offerings.
CHAPTER XLIII.
Canstantine's Liberality to the Poor.
He likewise distributed money largely to those who
were in need, and besides these showing himself philanthropist and
benefactor even to the heathen, who had no claim on him; (1) and even
for the beggars in the forum, miserable and shiftless, he provided, not
with money only, or necessary food, but also decent clothing. But in the
case of those who had once been prosperous, and had experienced a
reverse of circumstances, his aid was still more lavishly bestowed. On
such persons, in a truly royal spirit, he conferred magnificent
benefactions; giving grants of land to some, and honoring others with
various dignities. Orphans of the unfortunate he cared for as a father,
while he relieved the destitution of widows, and cared for them with
special solicitude. Nay, he even gave virgins, left unprotected by their
parents' death, in marriage to wealthy men with whom he was personally
acquainted. But this he did after first bestowing on the brides such
portions as it was fitting they should bring to the communion of
marriage. (2) In short, as the sun, when he rises upon the earth,
liberally imparts his rays of light to all, so did Constantine,
proceeding at early dawn from the imperial palace, and rising as it were
with the heavenly luminary, impart the rays of his own beneficence to
all who came into his presence. It was scarcely possible to be near him
without receiving some benefit, nor did it ever happen that any who had
expected to obtain his assistance were disappointed in their hope. (3)
CHAPTER XLIV.
How he was present at the Synods of Bishops.
SUCH, then, was his general character towards all.
But he exercised a peculiar care over the church of God: and whereas, in
the several provinces there were some who differed from each other in
judgment, he, like some general bishop constituted by God, convened
synods of his ministers. Nor did he disdain to be present and sit with
them in their assembly, but bore a share in their deliberations,
ministering to all that pertained to the peace of God. He took
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his seat, too, in the midst of them, as an individual amongst many,
dismissing his guards and soldiers, and all whose duty it was to defend
his person; but protected by the fear of God, and surrounded by the
guardianship of his faithful friends. Those whom he saw inclined to a
sound judgment, and exhibiting a calm and conciliatory temper, received
his high approbation, for he evidently delighted in a general harmony of
sentiment; while he regarded the unyielding wills aversion. (1)
CHAPTER XLV.
His Forbearance with Unreasonable Men.
MOREOVER he endured with patience some who were
exasperated against himself, directing them in mild and gentle terms to
control themselves, and not be turbulent. And some of these respected
his admonitions, and desisted; but as to those who proved incapable of
sound judgment, he left them entirely at the disposal of God, and never
himself desired harsh measures against any one. Hence it naturally
happened that the disaffected in Africa reached such a pitch of violence
as even to venture on overt acts of audacity; (1) some evil spirit, as
it seems probable, being jealous of the present great prosperity, and
impelling these men to atrocious deeds, that he might excite the
emperor's anger against them. He gained nothing, however, by this
malicious conduct; for the emperor laughed at these proceedings, and
declared their origin to be from the evil one; inasmuch as these were
not the actions of sober persons, but of lunatics or demoniacs; who
should be pitied rather than punished; since to punish madmen is as
great folly as to sympathize with their condition is supreme
philanthropy. (2)
CHAPTER XLVI.
Victories aver the Barbarians.
THUS the emperor in all his actions honored God, the
Controller of all things, and exercised an unwearied (1) oversight over
His churches. And God requited him, by subduing all barbarous nations
under his feet, so that he was able everywhere to raise trophies over
his enemies: and He proclaimed him as conqueror to all mankind, and made
him a terror to his adversaries: not indeed that this was his natural
character, since he was rather the meekest, and gentlest, and most
benevolent of men.
CHAPTER XLVII.
Death of Maximin, (1) who had attempted a Conspiracy, and of Others
whom Constantine detected by Divine Revelation.
WHILE he was thus engaged, the second of those who
had resigned the throne, being detected in a treasonable conspiracy,
suffered a most ignominious death. He was the first whose pictures,
statues, and all similar marks of honor and distinction were everywhere
destroyed, on the ground of his crimes and impiety. After him others
also of the same family were discovered in the act of forming secret
plots against the emperor; all their intentions being miraculously
revealed by God through visions to His servant.
For he frequently vouchsafed to him manifestations
of himself, the Divine presence appearing to him in a most marvelous
manner, and according to him manifold intimations of future events.
Indeed, it is impossible to express in words the indescribable wonders
of Divine grace which God was pleased to vouchsafe to His servant.
Surrounded by these, he passed the rest of his life in security,
rejoicing in the affection of his subjects, rejoicing too because he saw
all beneath his government leading contented lives; but above all
delighted at the flourishing condition of the churches of God.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Celebration of Canstantine's Decennalia.
WHILE he was thus circumstanced, he completed the
tenth year of his reign. On this occasion he ordered the celebration of
general festivals, and offered prayers of thanksgiving to God, the King
of all, as sacrifices without flame or smoke. (1) And from this
employment he derived much pleasure: not so from the tidings he received
of the ravages committed in the Eastern provinces.
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CHAPTER XLIX.
How Licinius oppressed the East.
FOR he was informed that in that quarter a certain
savage beast was besetting both the church of God and the other
inhabitants of the provinces, owing, as it were, to the efforts of the
evil spirit to produce effects quite contrary to the deeds of the pious
emperor: so that the Roman empire, divided into two parts, seemed to all
men to resemble night and day; since darkness overspread the provinces
of the East, while the brightest day illumined the inhabitants of the
other portion. And whereas the latter were receiving manifold blessings
at the hand of God, the sight of these blessings proved intolerable to
that envy which hates all good, as well as to the tyrant who afflicted
the other division of the empire; and who, notwithstanding that his
government was prospering, and he had been honored by a marriage
connection (1) with so great an emperor as Constantine, yet cared not
to follow the steps of that pious prince, but strove rather to imitate
the evil purposes and practice of the impious; and chose to adopt the
course of those whose ignominious end he had seen with his own eyes,
rather than to maintain amicable relations with him who was his
superior. (2)
CHAPTER L.
How Licinius attempted a Conspiracy against
Constantine.
ACCORDINGLY he engaged in an implacable war against
his benefactor, altogether regardless of the laws of friendship, the
obligation of oaths, the ties of kindred, and already existing treaties.
For the most benignant emperor had given him a proof of sincere
affection in bestowing on him the hand of his sister, thus granting him
the privilege of a place in family relationship and his own ancient
imperial descent, and investing him also with the rank and dignity of
his colleague in the empire. (1) But the other took the very opposite
course, employing himself in machinations against his superior, and
devising various means to repay his benefactor with injuries. At first,
pretending friendship, he did all things by guile and treachery,
expecting thus to succeed in concealing his designs; but God enabled
his servant to detect the schemes thus devised in darkness. Being
discovered, however, in his first attempts, he had recourse to fresh
frauds; at one time pretending friendship, at another claiming the
protection of solemn treaties. Then suddenly violating every
engagement, and again beseeching pardon by embassies, yet after all
shamefully violating his word, he at last declared open war, and with
desperate infatuation resolved thenceforward to carry arms against God
himself, whose worshiper he knew the emperor to be.
CHAPTER LI.
Intrigues of Licinius against the Bishops, and
his Prohibition of Synods.
AND at first he made secret enquiry respecting the
ministers of God subject to his dominion, who had never, indeed, in any
respect offended against his government, in order to bring false
accusations against them. And when he found no ground of accusation, and
had no real ground of objection against them, he next enacted a law, to
the effect that the bishops should never on any account hold
communication with each other, nor should any one of them absent himself
on a visit to a neighboring church; nor, lastly, should the holding of
synods, or councils for the consideration of affairs of common
interest, (1) be permitted. Now this was clearly a pretext for
displaying his malice against us. For we were compelled either to
violate the law, and thus be amenable to punishment, or else, by
compliance with its injunctions, to nullify the statutes of the Church;
inasmuch as it is impossible to bring important questions to a
satisfactory adjustment, except by means of synods. In other cases also
this God-hater, being determined to act contrary to the God-loving
prince, enacted such things. For whereas the one assembled the priests
of God in order to honor them, and to promote peace and unity of
judgment; the other, whose object it was to destroy everything that was
good, used all his endeavors to destroy the general harmony.
CHAPTER LII.
Banishment of the Christians, and Confiscation
of their Property.
AND whereas Constantine, the friend of God, had
granted to His worshipers freedom of access to the imperial palaces;
this enemy of God, in a spirit the very reverse of this, expelled thence
all Christians subject to his authority. He banished those who had
proved themselves his most
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faithful and devoted servants, and compelled others, on whom he had
himself conferred honor and distinction as a reward for their former
eminent services, to the performance of menial offices as slaves to
others; and at length, being bent on seizing the property of all as a
windfall for himself, he even threatened with death those who professed
the Saviour's name. Moreover being himself of a nature hopelessly
debased by sensuality, and degraded by the continual practice of
adultery and other shameless vices, he assumed his own worthless
character as a specimen of human nature generally, and denied that the
virtue of chastity and continence existed among men.
CHAPTER LIII.
Edict that Women should not meet with the
Men in the Churches.
ACCORDINGLY he passed a second law, which enjoined
that men should not appear in company with women in the houses of
prayer, and forbade women to attend the sacred schools of virtue, or to
receive instruction from the bishops, directing the appointment of women
to be teachers of their own sex. These regulations being received with
general ridicule, he devised other, means for effecting the ruin of the
churches. He ordered that the usual congregations of the people should
be held in the open country outside the gates, alleging that the open
air without the city was far more suitable for a multitude than the
houses of prayer within the walls.
CHAPTER LIV.
That those who refuse to sacrifice are to be dismissed from Military
Service, and those in Prison not to be fed.
FAILING, however, to obtain obedience in this
respect also, at length he threw off the mask, and gave orders that
those who held military commissions in the several cities of the empire
should be deprived of their respective commands, in case of their
refusal to offer sacrifices to the demons. Accordingly the forces of the
authorities in every province suffered the loss of those who worshiped
God; and he too who had decreed this order suffered loss, in that he
thus deprived himself of the prayers of pious men. And why should I
still further mention how he directed that no one should obey the
dictates of common humanity by distributing food to those who were
pining in prisons, or should even pity the captives who perished with
hunger; in short, that no one should perform a virtuous action, and that
those whose natural feelings impelled them to sympathize with their
fellow-creatures should be prohibited from doing them a single
kindness? Truly this was the most utterly shameless and scandalous of
all laws, and one which surpassed the worst depravity of human nature: a
law which inflicted on those who showed mercy the same penalties as on
those who were the objects of their compassion, and visited the
exercise of mere humanity with the severest punishments. (1)
CHAPTER LV.
The Lawless Conduct and Covetousness of
Licinius.
Such were the ordinances of Licinius. But why should
I enumerate his innovations respecting marriage, or those concerning the
dying, whereby he presumed to abrogate the ancient and wisely
established laws of the Romans, and to introduce certain barbarous and
cruel institutions in their stead, inventing a thousand pretenses for
oppressing his subjects? Hence it was that he devised a new method of
measuring land, by which he reckoned the smallest portion at more than
its actual dimensions, from an insatiable desire of acquisition. Hence
too he registered the names of country residents who were now no more,
and had long been numbered with the dead, procuring to himself by this
expedient a shameful gain. His meanness was unlimited and his rapacity
insatiable. So that when he had filled all his treasuries with gold, and
silver, and boundless wealth, he bitterly bewailed his poverty, and
suffered as it were the torments of Tantalus. But why should I mention
how many innocent persons he punished with exile; how much property he
confiscated; how many men of noble birth and estimable character he
imprisoned, whose wives he handed over to be basely insulted by his
profligate slaves, and to how many married women and virgins he himself
offered violence, though already feeling the infirmities of age? I need
not enlarge on these subjects, since the enormity of his last actions
causes the former to appear trifling and of little moment. (1)
CHAPTER LVI.
At length he undertakes to raise a Persecution.
FOR the final efforts of his fury appeared in his
open hostility to the churches, and he directed his attacks against the
bishops themselves,
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whom he regarded as his worst adversaries, bearing special enmity to
those men whom the great and pious emperor treated as his friends.
Accordingly he spent on us the utmost of his fury, and, being
transported beyond the bounds of reason, he paused not to reflect on the
example of those who had persecuted the Christians before him, nor of
those whom he himself had been raised up to punish and destroy for
their impious deeds: nor did he heed the facts of which he had been
himself a witness, though he had seen with his own eyes the chief
originator of these our calamities (whoever he was), smitten by the
stroke of the Divine scourge.
CHAPTER LVII.
That Maximian, (1) brought Low by a Fistulous Ulcer with Worms, issued
an Edict in Favor of the Christians.
FOR whereas this man had commenced the attack on the
churches, and had been the first to pollute his soul with the blood of
just and godly men, a judgment from God overtook him, which at first
affected his body, but eventually extended itself to his soul. For
suddenly an abscess appeared in the secret parts of his person, followed
by a deeply seated fistulous ulcer; and these diseases fastened with
incurable virulence on the intestines, which swarmed with a vast
multitude of worms, and emitted a pestilential odor. Besides, his
entire person had become loaded, through gluttonous excess, with an
enormous quantity of fat, and this, being now in a putrescent state, is
said to have presented to all who approached him an intolerable and
dreadful spectacle. Having, therefore, to struggle against such
sufferings, at length, though late, he came to a realization of his past
crimes against the Church; and, confessing his sins before God, he put
a stop to the persecution of the Christians, and hastened to issue
imperial edicts and rescripts for the rebuilding of their churches, at
the same time enjoining them to perform their customary worship, and to
offer up prayers on his behalf. (2)
CHAPTER LVIII.
That Maximin, who had persecuted the Christians, was compelled to fly,
and conceal himself in the Disguise of a Slave.
SUCH was the punishment which he underwent who had commenced the
persecution. He, (1) however, of whom we are now speaking, who had been
a witness of these things, and known them by his own actual experience,
all at once banished the remembrance of them from his mind, and
reflected neither on the punishment of the first, nor the divine
judgment which had been executed on the second persecutor. (2) The
latter had indeed endeavored to outstrip his predecessor in the career
of crime, and prided himself on the invention of new tortures for us.
Fire nor sword, nor piercing with nails, nor yet wild beasts or the
depths of the sea sufficed him. In addition to all these, he discovered
a new mode of punishment, and issued an edict directing that their
eyesight should be destroyed. So that numbers, not of men only, but of
women and children, after being deprived of the sight of their eyes, and
the use of the joints of their feet, by mutilation or cauterization,
were consigned in this condition to the painful labor of the mines.
Hence it was that this tyrant also was overtaken not long after by the
righteous judgment of God, at a time when, confiding in the aid of the
demons whom he worshiped as gods, and relying on the countless
multitudes of his troops, he had ventured to engage in battle. For,
feeling himself on that occasion destitute of all hope in God, he threw
from him the imperial dress which so ill became him, hid himself with
unmanly timidity in the crowd around him, and sought safety in flight.
(3)
He afterwards lurked about the fields and villages
in the habit of a slave, hoping he should thus be effectually concealed.
He had not, however, eluded the mighty and all-searching eye of God:
for even while he was expecting to pass the residue of his days in
security, he fell prostrate, smitten by God's fiery dart, and his whole
body consumed by the stroke of Divine vengeance; so that all trace of
the original lineaments of his person was lost, and nothing remained to
him but dry bones and a skeleton-like appearance.
CHAPTER LIX.
That Maximin, blinded by Disease, issued an Edict in Favor of the
Christians.
AND still the stroke of God continued heavy upon
him, so that his eyes protruded and fell from their sockets, leaving him
quite blind: and thus he suffered, by a most righteous retribution, the
very same punishment which he had been
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the first to devise for the martyrs of God. At length, however,
surviving even these sufferings, he too implored pardon of the God of
the Christians, and confessed his impious fighting against God: he too
recanted, as the former persecutor had done; and by laws and ordinances
explicitly acknowledged his error in worshiping those whom he had
accounted gods, declaring that he now knew, by positive experience, that
the God of the Christians was the only true God. These were facts which
Licinius had not merely received on the testimony of others, but of
which he had himself had personal knowledge: and yet, as though his
understanding had been obscured by some dark cloud of error, persisted
in the same evil course.
BOOK II.
CHAPTER I.
Secret Persecution by Licinius, who causes Same
Bishops to be put to Death at Amasia of Pontus.
In this manner, he of whom we have spoken continued
to rush headlong towards that destruction which awaits the enemies of
God; and once more, with a fatal emulation of their example whose ruin
he had himself witnessed as the consequence of their impious conduct, he
re-kindled the persecution of the Christians, like a long-extinguished
fire, and fanned the unhallowed flame to a fiercer height than any who
had gone before him.
At first, indeed, though breathing fury and
threatenings against God, like some savage beast of prey, or some
crooked and wriggling serpent, he dared not, from fear of Constantine,
openly level his attacks against the churches of God subject to his
dominion; but dissembled the virulence of his malice, and endeavored by
secret and limited measures to compass the death of the bishops, the
most eminent of whom he found means to remove, through charges laid
against them by the governors of the several provinces. And the manner
in which they · suffered had in it something strange, and
hitherto unheard of. At all events, the barbarities perpetrated at
Amasia of Pontus surpassed every known excess of cruelty.
CHAPTER II.
Demolition of Churches, and Butchery of the
Bishops.
For in that city some of the churches, for the
second time since the commencement of the persecutions, were leveled
with the ground, and others were closed by the governors of the several
districts, in order to prevent any who frequented them from assembling
together, or rendering due worship to God. For he by whose orders these
outrages were committed was too conscious of his own crimes to expect
that these services were performed with any view to his benefit, and was
convinced that all we did, and all our endeavors to obtain the favor of
God, were on Constantine's behalf.
These servile governors (1) then, feeling assured that such a course
would be pleasing to the impious tyrant, subjected the most
distinguished prelates of the churches to capital punishment.
Accordingly, men who had been guilty of no crime were led away, without
cause (2) punished like murderers: and some suffered a new kind of
death, having their bodies cut piecemeal; and, after this cruel
punishment, more horrible than any named in tragedy, being cast, as a
food to fishes, into the depths of the sea. The result of these horrors
was again, as before, the flight of pious men, and once more the fields
and deserts received the worshipers of God. The tyrant, having thus far
succeeded in his object, he farther determined to raise a general
persecution of the Christians: (3) and he would have accomplished his
purpose, nor could anything have hindered him from carrying his
resolution into effect, had not he who defends his own anticipated the
coming evil, and by his special guidance conducted his servant
Constantine to this part of the empire, causing him to shine forth as a
brilliant light in the midst of the darkness and gloomy night.
CHAPTER III.
How Constantine was stirred in Behalf of the Christians thus in Danger
of Persecution.
He perceiving the evils of which he had heard to be
no longer tolerable, took wise counsel, and tempering the natural
clemency of his character with a certain measure of severity, hastened
to succor those who were thus grievously oppressed. For he judged that
it would rightly be deemed a pious and holy task to secure, by the
removal of an individual, the safety of the greater part of the human
race. He judged too, that if he listened to the dictates of clemency
only, and bestowed his pity on one utterly unworthy of it, this would,
on the one hand, confer no real benefit on a man whom nothing would
induce to abandon his evil practices, and whose fury against his
subjects would only be likely to in-
501
crease; (1) while, on the other hand, those who suffered from his
oppression would thus be forever deprived of all hope of deliverance.
Influenced by these reflections, the emperor
resolved without farther delay to extend a protecting hand to those who
had fallen into such an extremity of distress. He accordingly made the
usual warlike preparations, and assembled his whole forces, both of
horse and foot. But before them all was carried the standard which I
have before described, as the symbol of his full confidence in God.
CHAPTER IV.
That Constantine prepared himself for the War by Prayer: Licinius by
the Practice of Divination.
He took with him also the priests of God, feeling
well assured that now, if ever, he stood in need of the efficacy of
prayer, and thinking it right that they should constantly be near and
about his person, as most trusty guardians of the soul.
Now, as soon as the tyrant understood that
Constantine's victories over his enemies were secured to him by no other
means than the co- operation of God, and that the persons above
alluded to were continually with him and about his person; and besides
this, that the symbol of the salutary passion preceded both the emperor
himself and his whole army; he regarded these precautions with ridicule
(as might be expected), at the same time mocking and reviling the
emperor with blasphemous words.
On the other hand, he gathered round himself
Egyptian diviners and soothsayers, with sorcerers and enchanters, and
the priests and prophets of those whom he imagined to be gods. He then,
after offering the sacrifices which he thought the occasion demanded,
enquired how far he might reckon on a successful termination of the war.
They replied with one voice, that he would unquestionably be victorious
over his enemies, and triumphant in the war: and the oracles everywhere
held out to him the same prospect in copious and elegant verses. The
soothsayers certified him of favorable omens from the flight of birds;
the priests (1) declared the same to be indicated by the motion of the
entrails of their victims. Elevated, therefore, by these fallacious
assurances, he boldly advanced at the head of his army, and prepared
for battle.
CHAPTER V.
What Licinius, while sacrificing in a Grove, said concerning Idols, and
concerning Christ.
And when he was now ready to engage, he desired the
most approved of his body-guard (1) and his most valued friends to meet
him in one of the places which they consider sacred. It was a
well-watered and shady grove, and in it were several marble statues of
those whom he accounted to be gods. After lighting tapers and performing
the usual sacrifices in honor of these, he is said to have delivered
the following speech:
"Friends and fellow-soldiers ! These are our
country's gods, and these we honor with a worship derived from our
remotest ancestors. But he who leads the army now opposed to us has
proved false to the religion of his forefathers, and adopted atheistic
sentiments, honoring in his infatuation some strange and unheard-of
Deity, with whose despicable standard he now disgraces his army, and
confiding in whose aid he has taken up arms, and is now advancing, not
so much against us as against those very gods whom he has forsaken.
However, the present occasion shall prove which of us is mistaken in his
judgment, and shall decide between our gods and those whom our
adversaries profess to honor. For either it will declare the victory to
be ours, and so most justly evince that our gods are the true
saviours and helpers; or else, if this God of Constantine's, who comes
we know not whence, shall prove superior to our deities (who are many,
and in point of numbers, at least, have the advantage), let no one
henceforth doubt which god he ought to worship, but attach himself at
once to the superior power, and ascribe to him the honors of the
victory. Suppose, then, this strange God, whom we now regard with
ridicule, should really prove victorious; then indeed we must
acknowledge and give him honor, and so bid a long farewell to those for
whom we light our tapers in vain. But if our own gods triumph (as they
undoubtedly will), then, as soon as we have secured the present victory,
let us prosecute the war without delay against these despisers of the
gods."
Such were the words he addressed to those then
present, as reported not long after to the writer of this history by
some who heard them spoken. (2) And as soon as he had concluded his
speech, he gave orders to his forces to commence the attack.
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CHAPTER
An Apparition seen in the Cities subject to Licinius, as of
Constantine's Troops passing through them.
WHILE these things were taking place a supernatural
appearance is said to have been observed in the cities subject to the
tyrant's rule. Different detachments of Constantine's army seemed to
present themselves to the view, marching at noonday through these
cities, as though they had obtained the victory. In reality, not a
single soldier was anywhere present at the time, and yet this appearance
was seen through the agency of a divine and superior power, and
foreshadowed what was shortly coming to pass. For as soon as the armies
were ready to engage, he who had broken through the ties of friendly
alliance (1) was the first to commence the battle; on which
Constantine, calling on the name of "God the Supreme Saviour," and
giving this as the watchword to his soldiers, overcame him in this first
conflict: and not long after in a second battle he gained a still more
important and decisive victory, the salutary trophy preceding the ranks
of his army.
CHAPTER VII.
That Victory everywhere followed the Presence of the Standard of the
Cross in Battle.
Indeed, wherever this appeared, the enemy soon fled
before his victorious troops. And the emperor perceiving this, whenever
he saw any part of his forces hard pressed, gave orders that the
salutary trophy should be moved in that direction, like some triumphant
charm (1) against disasters: at which the combatants were divinely
inspired, as it were, with fresh strength and courage, and immediate
victory was the result.
CHAPTER VIII.
That
Fifty Men were selected to carry the Cross.
ACCORDINGLY, he selected those of his bodyguard who
were most distinguished for personal strength, valor, and piety, and
intrusted them with the sole care and defense of the standard. There
were thus no less than fifty men whose only duty was to surround and
vigilantly defend the standard, which they carried each in turn on their
shoulders. These circumstances were related to the writer of this
narrative by the emperor himself in his leisure moments, long after the
occurrence of the events: and he added another incident well worthy of
being recorded.
CHAPTER IX.
That One of the Cross-bearers, who fled from his Post, was slain: while
Another, who faithfully stood his Ground, was preserved.
FoR he said that once, during the very heat of an
engagement, a sudden tumult and panic attacked his army, which threw the
soldier who then bore the standard into an agony of fear, so that he
handed it over to another, in order to secure his own escape from the
battle. As soon, however, as his comrade had received it, and he had
withdrawn, and resigned all charge of the standard, he was struck in
the belly by a dart, which took his life. Thus he paid the penalty of
his cowardice and unfaithfulness, and lay dead on the spot: but the
other, who had taken his place as the bearer of the salutary standard,
found it to be the safeguard of his life. For though he was assailed by
a continual shower of darts, the bearer remained unhurt, the staff of
the standard receiving every weapon. It was indeed a truly marvelous
circumstance, that the enemies' darts all fell within and remained in
the slender circumference of this spear, and thus saved the
standard-bearer from death; so that none of those engaged in this
service ever received a wound.
This story is none of mine, but for this, (1) too, I
am indebted to the emperor's own authority, who related it in my hearing
along with other matters. And now, having thus through the power of God
secured these first victories, he put his forces in motion and
continued his onward march.
CHAPTER X.
Furious Battles, and Constantine's Victories.
The van, however, of the enemy, unable to resist the
emperor's first assault, threw down their arms, and prostrated
themselves at his feet. All these he spared, rejoicing to save human
life. But there were others who still continued in arms, and engaged in
battle. These the emperor endeavored to conciliate by friendly
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overtures, but when these were not accepted he ordered his army to
commence the attack. On this they immediately turned and betook
themselves to flight; and some were overtaken and slain according to the
laws of war, while others fell on each other in the confusion of their
flight, and perished by the swords of their comrades.
CHAPTER XI.
Flight, and Magic Arts of Licinius.
In these circumstances their commander, finding
himself bereft of the aid of his followers, (1) having lost his lately
numerous array, both of regular and allied forces, having proved, too,
by experience, how vain his confidence had been in those whom he thought
to be gods, ignominiously took to flight, by which indeed he effected
his escape, and secured his personal safety, for the pious emperor had
forbidden his soldiers to follow him too closely, (2) and thus allowed
him an opportunity for escape. And this he did in the hope that he
might hereafter, on conviction of the desperate state of his affairs,
be induced to abandon his insane and presumptuous ambition, and return
to sounder reason. So Constantine, in his excessive humanity, thought
and was willing patiently to bear past injuries, and extend his
forgiveness to one who so ill deserved it; but Licinius, far from
renouncing his evil practices, still added crime to crime, and ventured
on more daring atrocities than ever. Nay, once more tampering with the
detestable arts of magic, he again was presumptuous: so that it might
well be said of him, as it was of the Egyptian tyrant of old, that God
had hardened his heart. (3)
CHAffER XII.
How Constantine, after praying in his Tabernacle, obtained the
Victory.222
But while Licinius, giving himself up to these
impieties, rushed blindly towards the gulf of destruction, the emperor
on the other hand, when he saw that he must meet his enemies in a second
battle, devoted the intervening time to his Saviour. He pitched the
tabernacle of the cross (1) outside and at a distance from his camp,
and there passed his time in a pure and holy manner, offering up
prayers to God; following thus the example of his ancient prophet, of
whom the sacred oracles testify, that he pitched the tabernacle without
the camp. (2) He was attended only by a few, whose faith and pious
devotion he highly esteemed. And this custom he continued to observe
whenever he meditated an engagement with the enemy. For he was
deliberate in his measures, the better to insure safety, and desired in
everything to be directed by divine counsel. And making earnest
supplications to God, he was always honored after a little with a
manifestation of his presence. And then, as if moved by a divine
impulse, he would rush from the tabernacle, and suddenly give orders to
his army to move at once without delay, and on the instant to draw their
swords. On this they would immediately commence the attack, fight
vigorously, so as with incredible celerity to secure the victory, and
raise trophies of victory over their enemies.
CHAPTER XIII.
His Humane Treatment of Prisoners.
Thus the emperor and his army had long been
accustomed to act, whenever there was a prospect of an engagement; for
his God was ever present to his thoughts, and he desired to do
everything according to his will, and conscientiously to avoid any
wanton sacrifice of human life. He was anxious thus for the preservation
not only of his own subjects, but even of his enemies. Accordingly he
directed his victorious troops to spare the lives of their prisoners,
admonishing them, as human beings, not to forget the claims of their
common nature. And whenever he saw the passions of his soldiery excited
beyond control, he repressed their fury by a largess of money,
rewarding every man who saved the life of an enemy with a certain
weight of gold. And the emperor's own sagacity led him to discover this
inducement to spare human life, so that great numbers even of the
barbarians were thus saved, and owed their lives to the emperor's gold.
CHAPTER XIV.
A Farther Mention of his Prayers in the
Tabernacle.
Now these, and a thousand such acts as these, were
familiarly and habitually done by the emperor. And on the present
occasion he retired, as his custom was before battle, to the privacy of
his tabernacle, and there employed his time in prayer to God. Meanwhile
he strictly ab-
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stained from anything like ease, or luxurious living, and disciplined
himself by fasting and bodily mortification, imploring the favor of God
by supplication and prayer, that he might obtain his concurrence and
aid, and be ready to execute whatever he might be pleased to suggest to
his thoughts. In short, he exercised a vigilant care over all alike, and
interceded with God as much for the safety of his enemies as for that
of his own subjects.
CHAPTER XV.
Treacherous Friendship, and Idolatrous Practices of Licinius.
And inasmuch as he who had lately fled before him
now dissembled his real sentiments, and again petitioned for a renewal
of friendship and alliance, the emperor thought fit, on certain
conditions, to grant his request, (1) in the hope that such a measure
might be expedient, and generally advantageous to the community.
Licinius, however, while he pretended a ready submission to the terms
prescribed, and attested his sincerity by oaths, at this very time was
secretly engaged in collecting a military force, and again meditated war
and strife, inviting even the barbarians to join his standard, (2) and
he began also to look about him for other gods, having been deceived by
those in whom he had hitherto trusted. And, without bestowing a thought
on what he had himself publicly spoken on the subject of false deities,
or choosing to acknowledge that God who had fought on the side of
Constantine, he made himself ridiculous by seeking for a multitude of
new gods.
CHAPTER XVI.
How
Licinius counseled his Soldiers not to attack
the Standard of the Cross.
Having now learned by experience the Divine and
mysterious power which resided in the salutary trophy, by means of which
Constantine's army had become habituated to victory, he admonished his
soldiers never to direct their attack against this standard, nor even
incautiously to allow their eyes to rest upon it; assuring them that it
possessed a terrible power, and was especially hostile to him; so that
they would do well carefully to avoid any collision with it. And now,
having given these directions, he prepared for a decisive conflict with
him whose humanity prompted him still to hesitate, and to postpone the
fate which he foresaw awaited his adversary. The enemy, however,
confident in the aid of a multitude of gods, advanced to the attack
with a powerful array of military force, preceded by certain images of
the dead, and lifeless statues, as their defense. On the other side,
the emperor, secure in the armor of godliness, opposed to the numbers
of the enemy the salutary and life-giving sign, as at once a terror to
the foe, and a protection from every harm. And for a while he paused,
and preserved at first the attitude of forbearance, from respect to the
treaty of peace to which he had given his sanction, that he might not
be the first to commence the contest.
CHAPTER XVII.
Constantine's Victory.
But as soon as he perceived that his adversaries
persisted in their resolution, and were already drawing their swords, he
gave free scope to his indignation, and by a single charge (1)
overthrew in a moment the entire body of the enemy, thus triumphing at
once over them and their gods.
CHAFFER XVIII.
Death of Licinius, and Celebration of the Event.
He then proceeded to deal with this adversary of God
and his followers according to the laws of war, and consign them to
fitting punishment. Accordingly the tyrant himself, and they whose
counsels had supported him in his impiety, were together subjected to
the just punishment of death. After this, those who had so lately been
deceived by their vain confidence in false deities, acknowledged with
unfeigned sincerity the God of Constantine, and openly professed their
belief in him as the true and only God.
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CHAPTER XIX. Rejoicings and Festivities.
And now, the impious being thus removed, the sun
once more shone brightly after the gloomy cloud of tyrannic power. Each
separate portion of the Roman dominion became blended with the rest; the
Eastern nations united with those of the West, and the whole body of
the Roman empire was graced as it were by its head in the person of a
single and supreme ruler, whose sole authority pervaded the whole. Now
too the bright rays of the light of godliness gladdened the days of
those who had heretofore been sitting in darkness and the shadow of
death. Past sorrows were no more remembered, for all united in
celebrating the praises of the victorious prince, and avowed ·
their recognition of his preserver as the only true God. Thus he whose
character shone with all the virtues of piety, the emperor Victor, for
he had himself adopted this name as a most fitting appellation to
express the victory which God had granted him over all who hated or
opposed him, (1) assumed the dominion of the East, and thus singly
governed the Roman empire, re-united, as in former times, under one
head. Thus, as he was the first to proclaim to all the sole sovereignty
of God, so he himself, as sole sovereign of the Roman world, extended
his authority over the whole human race. Every apprehension of those
evils under the pressure of which all had suffered was now removed; men
whose heads had drooped in sorrow now regarded each other with smiling
countenances, and looks expressive of their inward joy. With processions
and hymns of praise they first of all, as they were told, ascribed the
supreme sovereignty to God, as in truth the King of kings; and then
with continued acclamations rendered honor to the victorious emperor,
and the Caesars, his most discreet and pious sons. The former
afflictions were forgotten, and all past impieties forgiven: while with
the enjoyment of present happiness was mingled the expectation of
continued blessings in the future.
CHAPTER XX.
Constantine's Enactments in Favor of the Confessors.
MOREOVER, the emperor's edicts, permeated with his
humane spirit, were published among us also, as they had been among the
inhabitants of the other division of the empire; and his laws, which
breathed a spirit of piety toward God, gave promise of manifold
blessings, since they secured many advantages to his provincial subjects
in every nation, and at the same time prescribed measures suited to the
exigencies of the churches of God. For first of all they recalled those
who, in consequence of their refusal to join in idol worship, had been
driven to exile, or ejected from their homes by the governors of their
respective provinces. In the next place, they relieved from their
burdens those who for the same reason had been adjudged to serve in the
civil courts, and ordained restitution to be made to any who had been
deprived of property. They too, who in the time of trial had signalized
themselves by fortitude of soul in the cause of God, and had therefore
been condemned to the painful labor of the mines, or consigned to the
solitude of islands, or compelled to toil in the public works, all
received an immediate release from these burdens; while others, whose
religious constancy had cost them the forfeiture of their military
rank, were vindicated by the emperor's generosity from this dishonor:
for he granted them the alternative either of resuming their rank, and
enjoying their former privileges, or, in the event of their preferring
a more settled life, of perpetual exemption from all service. Lastly,
all who had been compelled by way of disgrace and insult to serve in
the employments of women, (1) he likewise freed with the rest.
CHAPTER XXI.
His Laws concerning Martyrs, and concerning
Ecclesiastical Property.
Such were the benefits secured by the emperor's written mandates
to the persons of those
who had thus suffered for the faith, d his laws made ample provision
for their property also.
With regard to those holy martyrs of God who had
laid down their lives in the confession of His name, he directed that
their estates should be enjoyed by their nearest kindred; and, in
default of any of these, that the right of inheritance should be vested
in the churches. Farther, whatever property had been consigned to other
parties from the treasury, whether in the way of sale or gift, together
with that retained in the treasury itself, the generous mandate of the
emperor directed should be restored to the original owners. Such
benefits did his bounty, thus widely diffused, confer on the Church of
God.
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CHAPTER XXII.
How he won the Favor of the People.
But his munificence bestowed still further and more
numerous favors on the heathen peoples and the other nations of his
empire. So that the inhabitants of our [Eastern] regions, who had heard
of the privileges experienced in the opposite portion of the empire, and
had blessed the fortunate recipients of them, and longed for the
enjoyment of a similar lot for themselves, now with one consent
proclaimed their own happiness, when they saw themselves in possession
of all these blessings; and confessed that the appearance of such a
monarch to the human race was indeed a marvelous event, and such as the
world's history had never yet recorded. Such were their sentiments.
CHAPTER XXIII.
That he declared God to be the Author of his Prosperity: and concerning
his Rescripts.
AND now that, through the powerful aid of God his
Saviour, all nations owned their subjection to the emperor's authority,
he openly proclaimed to all the name of Him to whose bounty he owed all
his blessings, and declared that He, and not himself, was the author of
his past victories. This declaration, written both in the Latin and
Greek languages, he caused to be transmitted through every province of
the empire. Now the excellence of his style of expression (1) may be
known from a perusal of his letters themselves which were two in number;
one addressed to the churches of God; the other to the heathen
population in the several cities of the empire. The latter of these I
think it well to insert here as connected with my present subject, in
order on the one hand that a copy of this document may be recorded as
matter of history, and thus preserved to posterity, and on the other
that it may serve to confirm the truth of my present narrative. It is
taken from an authentic copy of the imperial statute in my own
possession and the signature in the emperor's own handwriting attaches
as it were the impress of truth to the statement I have made.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Law of Constantine respecting Piety towards God, and the Christian
Religion. (1)
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS to the inhabitants of the
province of Palestine.
"To all who entertain just and sound sentiments
respecting the character of the Supreme Being, it has long been most
clearly evident, and beyond the possibility of doubt, how vast a
difference there has ever been between those who maintain a careful
observance of the hallowed duties of the Christian religion, and those
who treat this religion with hostility or contempt. But at this present
time, we may see by stilt more manifest proofs, and still more decisive
instances, both how unreasonable it were to question this truth, and how
mighty is the power of the Supreme God: since it appears that they who
faithfully observe His holy laws, and shrink from the transgression of
His commandments, are rewarded with abundant blessings, and are endued
with well-grounded hope as well as ample power for the accomplishment
of their undertakings. On the other hand, they who have cherished
impious sentiments have experienced results corresponding to their evil
choice. For how is it to be expected that any blessing would be
obtained by one who neither desired to acknowledge nor duly to worship
that God who is the source of all blessing? Indeed, facts themselves
are a confirmation of what I say.
CHAPTER XXV.
An Illustration from Ancient Times.
"FOR certainly any one who will mentally retrace the
course of events from the earliest period down to the present time, and
will reflect on what has occurred in past ages, will find that all who
have made justice and probity the basis of their conduct, have not only
carried their undertakings to a successful issue, but have gathered, as
it were, a store of sweet fruit as the produce of this pleasant root.
Again, whoever observes the career of those who have been bold in the
practice of oppression or injustice; who have either directed their
senseless fury against God himself, or have conceived no kindly feelings
towards their fellow-men, but have dared to afflict them with exile,
disgrace, confiscation, massacre, or other miseries of the like kind,
and all this without any sense of compunction, or wish to direct
thoughts to a better course, will find that such men have received a
recompense proportioned to their crimes. And these are results which
might naturally and reasonably be expected to ensue?
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CHAPTER XXVI.
Of Persecuted and Persecutors.
"For whoever have addressed themselves with
integrity of purpose to any course of action, keeping the fear of God
continually before their thoughts, and preserving an unwavering faith in
him, without allowing present fears or dangers to outweigh their hope
of future blessings--such persons, though for a season they may have
experienced painful trials, have borne their afflictions lightly, being
supported by the belief of greater rewards in store for them; and their
character has acquired a brighter luster in proportion to the
severity of their past suffer-rags. With regard, on the other hand, to
those who have either dishonorably slighted the principles of justice,
or refused to acknowledge the Supreme God themselves, and yet have
dared to subject others who have faithfully maintained his worship to
the most cruel insults and punishments; who have failed equally to
recognize their own wretchedness in oppressing others on such
grounds, and the happiness and blessing of those who preserved their
devotion to God even in the midst of such sufferings: with regard, I
say, to such men, many a time have their armies been slaughtered, many a
time have they been put to flight; and their warlike preparations have
ended in total ruin and defeat.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How the Persecution became the Occasion of
Calamities to the Aggressors.
"From the causes I have described, grievous wars
arose, and destructive devastations. Hence followed a scarcity of the
common necessaries of life, and a crowd of consequent miseries: hence,
too, the authors of these impieties have either met a disastrous death
of extreme suffering, or have dragged out an ignominious existence, and
confessed it to be worse than death itself, thus receiving as it were a
measure of punishment proportioned to the heinousness of their crimes.
(1) For each experienced a degree of calamity according to the blind
fury with which he had been led to combat, and as he thought, defeat the
Divine will: so that they not only felt the pressure of the ills of
this present life, but were tormented also by a most lively apprehension
of punishment in the future world. (2)
CHAPTER XXVIII.
That God chose Constantine to be the Minister
of Blessing.
"AND now, with such a mass of impiety oppressing the
human race, and the commonwealth in danger of being utterly destroyed,
as if by the agency of some pestilential disease, and therefore needing
powerful and effectual aid; what was the relief, and what the remedy
which the Divinity devised for these evils? (And by Divinity is meant
the one who is alone and truly God, the possessor of almighty and
eternal power: and surely it cannot be deemed arrogance in one who has
received benefits from God, to acknowledge them in the loftiest terms of
praise.) I myself, then, was the instrument whose services He chose,
and esteemed suited for the accomplishment of his will. Accordingly,
beginning at the remote Britannic ocean, and the regions where,
according to the law of nature, the sun sinks beneath the horizon,
through the aid of divine power I banished and utterly removed every
form of evil which prevailed, in the hope that the human race,
enlightened through my instrumentality, might be recalled to a due
observance of the holy laws of God, and at the same time our most
blessed faith might prosper under the guidance of his almighty hand.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Constantine's Expressions of Piety towards God; and Praise of the
Confessors.
"I said, (1) under the guidance of his hand; for I
would desire never to be forgetful of the gratitude due to his grace.
Believing, therefore, that this most excellent service had been confided
to me as a special gift, I proceeded as far as the regions of the East,
which, being under the pressure of severer calamities, seemed to demand
still more effectual remedies at my hands. At the same time I am most
certainly persuaded that I myself owe my life, my every breath, in
short, my very inmost and secret thoughts, entirely to the favor of the
Supreme God. Now I am well aware that they who are sincere in the
pursuit of the heavenly hope, and have fixed this hope in heaven
itself as the peculiar and predominant principle of their lives, have
no need to depend on human favor, but rather have enjoyed higher honors
in proportion as they have separated themselves from the inferior and
evil things of this earthly existence. Nevertheless I deem it
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incumbent on me to remove at once and most completely from all such
persons the hard necessities laid upon them for a season, and the unjust
inflictions under which they have suffered, though free from any guilt
or just liability. For it would be strange indeed, that the fortitude
and constancy of soul displayed by such men should be fully apparent
during the reign of those whose first object it was to persecute them
on account of their devotion to God, and yet that the glory of their
character should not be more bright and blessed, under the
administration of a prince who is His servant.
CHAPTER XXX.
A Law granting Release from Exile, from Service in the Courts, and from
the Confiscation of Property.
"LET all therefore who have exchanged their country
for a foreign land, because they would not abandon that reverence and
faith toward God to which they had devoted themselves with their whole
hearts, and have in consequence at different times been subject to the
cruel sentence of the courts; together with any who have been enrolled
in the registers of the public courts though in time past exempt from
such office let these, I say, now render thanks to God the Liberator of
all, in that they are restored to their hereditary property, and their
wonted tranquility. Let those also who have been despoiled of their
goods, and have hitherto passed a wretched existence, mourning under the
loss of all that they possessed, once more be restored to their former
homes, their families, and estates, and receive with joy the bountiful
kindness of God.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Release likewise granted to Exiles in the Islands.
"FURTHERMORE, it is our command that all those who
have been detained in the islands against their will should receive the
benefit of this present provision; in order that they who rill now have
been surrounded by rugged mountains and the encircling barrier of the
ocean, being now set free from that gloomy and desolate solitude, may
fulfill their fondest wish by revisiting their dearest friends. Those,
too, who have prolonged a miserable life in the midst of abject and
wretched squalor, welcoming their restoration as an unlooked-for gain,
and discarding henceforth all anxious thoughts, may pass their lives
with us in freedom from all fear. For that any one could live in a state
of fear under our government, when we boast and believe ourselves to be
the servants of God, would surely be a thing most extraordinary even to
hear of, and quite incredible; and our mission is to rectify the errors
of the others.
CHAPTER XXXII.
And to those ignominiously employed in the
Mines and_Public Works.
"AGAIN, with regard to those who have been condemned
either to the grievous labor of the mines, or to service in the public
works, let them enjoy the sweets of leisure in place of these
long-continued toils, and henceforth lead a far easier life, and more
accordant with the wishes of their hearts, exchanging the incessant
hardships of their tasks for quiet relaxation. And if any have forfeited
the common privilege of liberty, or have unhappily suffered dishonor,
(1) let them hasten back every one to the country of his nativity, and
resume with becoming joy their former positions in society, from which
they have been as it were separated by long residence abroad.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Concerning those Confessors engaged in Military
Service.
"ONCE more, with respect to those who had previously
been preferred to any military distinction, of which they were
afterwards deprived, for the cruel and unjust reason that they chose
rather to acknowledge their allegiance to God than to retain the rank
they held; we leave them perfect liberty of choice, either to occupy
their former stations, should they be content again to engage in
military service, or after an honorable discharge, to live in
undisturbed tranquillity. For it is fair and consistent that men who
have displayed such magnanimity and fortitude in meeting the perils to
which they have been exposed, should be allowed the choice either of
enjoying peaceful leisure, or resuming their former rank.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Liberation of Free _Persons condemned to labor in the Women's
Apartments, or to Servitude.
"LASTLY, if any have wrongfully been deprived of the
privileges of noble lineage, and subjected to a judicial sentence which
has consigned them
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to the women's apartments (1) and to the linen making, there to undergo
a cruel and miserable labor, or reduced them to servitude for the
benefit of the public treasury, without any exemption on the ground of
superior birth; let such persons, resuming the honors they had
previously enjoyed, and their proper dignities, henceforward exult in
the blessings of liberty, and lead a glad life. Let the free man, (2)
too, by some injustice and inhumanity, or even madness, made a slave,
who has felt the sudden transition from liberty to bondage, and ofttimes
bewailed his unwonted labors, return to his family once more a free man
in virtue of this our ordinance, and seek those employments which befit
a state of freedom; and let him dismiss from his remembrance those
services which he found so oppressive, and which so ill became his
condition.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Of the Inheritance of the Property of Martyrs and Confessors, also of
those who had suffered Banishment or Confiscation of Property.
" Nor must we omit to notice those estates of which
individuals have been deprived on various pretenses. For if any of those
who have engaged with dauntless and resolute determination in the noble
and divine conflict of martyrdom have also been stripped of their
fortunes; or if the same has been the lot of the confessors, who have
won for themselves the hope of eternal treasures; or if the loss of
property has befallen those who were driven from their native land
because they would not yield to the persecutors, and betray their faith;
lastly, if any who have escaped the sentence of death have yet been
despoiled of their worldly goods; we ordain that the inheritances of
all such persons be transferred to their nearest kindred. And whereas
the laws expressly assign this right to those most nearly related, it
will be easy to ascertain to whom these inheritances severally belong.
And it is evidently reasonable that the succession in these cases
should belong to those who would have stood in the place of nearest
affinity, had the deceased experienced a natural death.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Church is declared Heir of those who leave no Kindred; and the Free
Gifts of such Persons Confirmed.
"But should there be no surviving relation to succeed in due course to
the property of those above-mentioned, I mean the martyrs, or
confessors, or those who for some such cause have been banished from
their native land; in such cases we ordain that the church locally
nearest in each instance shall succeed to the inheritance. And surely it
will be no wrong to the departed that that church should be their heir,
for whose sake they have endured every extremity of suffering. We think
it necessary to add this also, that in case any of the above-mentioned
persons have donated any part of their property in the way of free
gift, possession of such property shall be assured, as is reasonable,
to those who have thus received it.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Lands, Gardens, or Houses, but not Actual Produce from them, are to be
given back.
"AND that there may be no obscurity in this our
ordinance, but every one may readily apprehend its requirements, let all
men hereby know that if they are now maintaining themselves in
possession of a piece of land, or a house, or garden, or anything else
which had appertained to the before-mentioned persons, it will be good
and advantageous for them to acknowledge the fact, and make restitution
with the least possible delay. On the other hand, although it should
appear that some individuals have reaped abundant profits from this
unjust possession, we do not consider that justice demands the
restitution of such profits. They must, however, declare explicitly what
amount of benefit they have thus derived, and from what sources, and
entreat our pardon for this offense; in order that their past
covetousness may in some measure be atoned for, and that the Supreme God
may accept this compensation as a token of contrition, and be pleased
graciously to pardon the sin.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
In what Manner Requests should be made for
these.
"BUT it is possible that those who have become
masters of such property (if it be right or possible to allow them such
a title) will assure us by way of apology for their conduct, that it was
not in their power to abstain from this appropriation at a time when a
spectacle of misery in all its forms everywhere met the view; when men
were cruelly driven from their homes, slaughtered without mercy, thrust
forth without remorse: when the confiscation of the property of
innocent persons was a common thing, and
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when persecutions and property seizures were unceasing. If any defend
their conduct by such reasons as these, and still persist in their
avaricious temper, they shall be made sensible that such a course will
bring punishment on themselves, and all the more because this correction
of evil is the very characteristic of our service to the Supreme God.
So that it will henceforth be dangerous to retain what dire necessity
may in time past have compelled men to take; especially because it is
in any case incumbent on us to discourage covetous desires, both by
persuasion, and by warning exam-pies.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Treasury must restore Lands, Gardens, and Houses to the Churches.
"Nor shall the treasury itself, should it have any
of the things we have spoken of, be permitted to keep them; but, without
venturing as it were to raise its voice against the holy churches, it
shall justly relinquish in their favor what it has for a time unjustly
retained. We ordain, therefore, that all things whatsoever which shall
appear righteously to belong to the churches, whether the property
consist of houses or fields and gardens, or whatever the nature of it
may be, shall be restored in their full value and integrity, and with
undiminished right of possession.
CHAPTER XL.
The Tombs of Martyrs and the Cemeteries to be transferred to the
Possession of the Churches.
"Again, with respect to those places which are
honored in being the depositories of the remains of martyrs, and
continue to be memorials of their glorious departure; how can we doubt
that they rightly belong to the churches, or refrain from issuing our
injunction to that effect? For surely there can be no better liberality,
no labor more pleasing or profitable, than to be thus employed under
the guidance of the Divine Spirit, in order that those things which
have been appropriated on false pretenses by unjust and wicked men, may
be restored, as justice demands, and once more secured to the holy
churches.
CHAPTER XLI.
Those who have purchased Property belonging to the Church, or received
it as a Gift, are to restore it.
"AND since it would be wrong in a provision intended
to include all cases, to pass over those who have either procured any
such property by right of purchase from the treasury, or have retained
it when conveyed to them in the form of a gift; let all who have thus
rashly indulged their insatiable thirst of gain be assured that,
although by daring to make such purchases they have done all in their
power to alienate our clemency from themselves, they shall nevertheless
not fail of obtaining it, so far as is possible and consistent with
propriety in each case. So much then is determined.
CHAPTER XLII.
An Earnest Exhortation to worship God.
"AND now, since it appears by the clearest and most
convincing evidence, that the miseries which erewhile oppressed the
entire human race are now banished from every part of the world, through
the power of Almighty God, and at the same time the counsel and aid
which he is pleased on many occasions to administer through our agency;
it remains for all, both individually and unitedly, to observe and
seriously consider how great this power and how efficacious this grace
are, which have annihilated and utterly destroyed this generation, as I
may call them, of most wicked and evil men; have restored joy to the
good, and diffused it over all countries; and now guarantee the fullest
authority both to honor the Divine law as it should be honored, with
all reverence, and pay due observance to those who have dedicated
themselves to the service of that law. These rising as from some dark
abyss and, with an enlightened knowledge of the present course of
events, will henceforward render to its precepts that becoming
reverence and honor which are consistent with their pious character.
Let this ordinance be published in our Eastern
provinces." (1)
CHAPTER XLIII.
How the Enactments of Constantine were carried into Effect.
Such were the injunctions contained in the first
letter which the emperor addressed to us. And the provisions of this
enactment were speedily carried into effect, everything being conducted
in a manner quite different from the atrocities which had but lately
been daringly perpetrated during the cruel ascendancy of the tyrants.
Those persons also who were legally entitled to it, received the benefit
of the emperor's liberality.
CHAPTER XLIV.
That he promoted Christians to Offices of Government, and forbade
Gentiles in Such Stations to offer Sacrifice.
After this the emperor continued to address himself
to matters of high importance, and first he sent governors to the
several provinces, mostly such as were devoted to the saving faith; and
if any appeared inclined to adhere to Gentile worship, he forbade them
to offer sacrifice. This law applied also to those who surpassed the
provincial governors in rank and dignity, (1) and even to those who
occupied the highest station, and held the authority of the Praetorian
Praefecture. (2) If they were Christians, they were free to act
consistently with their profession; if otherwise, the law required them
to abstain from idolatrous sacrifices.
CHAPTER XLV.
Statutes which forbade Sacrifice, and enjoined
the Building of Churches.
Soon after this, two laws were promulgated about the
same time; one of which was intended to restrain the idolatrous
abominations which in time past had been practiced in every city and
country; and it provided that no one should erect images, or practice
divination and other false and foolish arts, or offer sacrifice in any
way. (1) The other statute commanded the heightening of the oratories,
and the enlargement in length and breadth of the churches of God; as
though it were expected that, now the madness of polytheism was wholly
removed, pretty nearly all mankind would henceforth attach themselves to
the service of God. His own personal piety induced the emperor to
devise and write these instructions to the governors of the several
provinces: and the law farther admonished them not to spare the
expenditure of money, but to draw supplies from the imperial treasury
itself. Similar instructions were written also to the bishops of the
several churches; and the emperor was pleased to transmit the same to
myself, being the first letter which he personally addressed to me.
CHAPTER XLVI.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius and Other Bishops, respecting the
Building of Churches, with Instructions to repair the Old, and erect New
Ones on a Larger Scale, with the Aid of the Provincial Governors.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Eusebius.
"Forasmuch as the unholy and willful rule of tyranny
has persecuted the servants of our Saviour until this present time, I
believe and have fully satisfied myself, best beloved brother, that the
buildings belonging to all the churches have either become ruinous
through actual neglect, or have received inadequate attention from the
dread of the violent spirit of the times.
"But now, that liberty is restored, and that serpent
(1) driven from the administration of public affairs by the providence
of the Supreme God, and our instrumentality, we trust that all can see
the efficacy of the Divine power, and that they who through fear of
persecution or through unbelief have fallen into any errors, will now
acknowledge the true God, and adopt in future that course of life which
is according to truth and rectitude. With respect, therefore, to the
churches over which you yourself preside, as well as the bishops,
presbyters, and deacons of other churches with whom you are acquainted,
do you admonish all to be zealous in their attention to the buildings of
the churches, and either to repair or enlarge those which at present
exist, or, in cases of necessity, to erect new ones.
"We also empower you, and the others through you, to
demand what is needful for the work, both from the provincial governors
and from the Praetorian Praefect. For they have received instructions to
be most diligent in obedience to your Holiness's orders. God preserve
you, beloved brother." A copy of this charge was transmitted throughout
all the provinces to the bishops of the several churches: the
provincial governors received directions accordingly, and the imperial
statute was speedily carried into effect.
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CHAPTER XLVII.
That he wrote a Letter in Condemnation of
Idolatry.
MOREOVER, the emperor, who continually made progress
in piety towards God, dispatched an admonitory letter to the inhabitants
of every province, respecting the error of idolatry into which his
predecessors in power bad fallen, in which he eloquently exhorts his
subjects to acknowledge the Supreme God, and openly to profess their
allegiance to his Christ as their Saviour. This letter also, which is
in his own handwriting, I have judged it necessary to translate from
the Latin for the present work, in order that we may hear, as it were,
the voice the emperor himself uttering these sentiments in the audience
of all mankind.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
Constantine's Edict to the People of the Provinces concerning the Error
of Polytheism, commencing with Some General Remarks on Virtue and Vice.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the
people of the Eastern provinces.
"Whatever is comprehended under the sovereign (1)
laws of nature, seems to convey to all men an adequate idea of the
forethought and intelligence of the divine order. Nor can any, whose
minds are directed in the true path of knowledge to the attainment of
that end, entertain a doubt that the just perceptions of sound l reason,
as well as those of the natural vision itself, through the sole
influence of genuine virtue, lead to the knowledge of God. Accordingly
no wise man will ever be surprised when he sees the mass of mankind
influenced by opposite sentiments. For the beauty of virtue would be
useless (2) and unperceived, did not vice display in contrast with it
the course of perversity and folly. Hence it is that the one is crowned
with reward, while the most high God is himself the administrator of
judgment to the other.
"And now I will endeavor to lay before you all as
explicitly as possible, the nature of my own hopes of future happiness.
(3)
CHAPTER XLIX.
Concerning Constantine's Pious Father, and the Persecutors Diocletian
and Maximian.
"The former emperors I have been accustomed to
regard as those with whom I could have no sympathy, (1) on account of
the savage cruelty of their character. Indeed, my father was the only
one who uniformly practiced the duties of humanity, and with admirable
piety called for the blessing of God the Father on all his actions, but
the rest, unsound in mind, were more zealous of cruel than gentle
measures; and this disposition they indulged without restraint, and thus
persecuted the true doctrine during the whole period of their reign.
Nay, so violent did their malicious fury become, that in the midst of a
profound peace, as regards both the religious and ordinary interests of
men, they kindled, as it were, the flames of a civil war. (2)
CHAPTER L.
That the Persecution originated an Account of the Oracle of Apollo,
who, it was said, could not give Oracles because of "the Righteous Men."
"About that time it is said that Apollo spoke from a
deep and gloomy cavern, and through the medium of no human voice, and
declared that the righteous men on earth were a bar to his speaking the
truth, and accordingly that the oracles from the tripod were fallacious.
Hence it was that he suffered his tresses to droop in token of grief,
(1) and mourned the evils which the loss of the oracular spirit would
entail on mankind. But let us mark the consequences of this.
CHAPTER LI.
That Constantine, when a Youth, heard from him who wrote the
Persecution Edict that "the Righteous Men" were the Christians.
"I call now on thee, most high God, to witness that,
when young, I heard him who at that time was chief among the Roman
emperors, unhappy, truly unhappy as he was, and laboring under mental
delusion, make earnest enquiry of his attendants as to who these
righteous ones on earth were, and that one of the Pagan priests then
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present replied that they were doubtless the Christians. This answer he
eagerly received, like some honeyed draught, and unsheathed the
sword which was ordained for the punishment of crime, against those
whose holiness was beyond reproach. Immediately, therefore, he issued
those sanguinary edicts, traced, if I may so express myself, with a
sword's point dipped in blood; at the same time commanding his judges to
tax their ingenuity for the invention of new and more terrible
punishments.
CHAPTER LII.
The Manifold Forms of Torture and Punishment practiced against the
Christians.
"Then, indeed, one might see with what arrogance
those venerable worshipers of God were daily exposed, with continued and
relentless cruelty, to outrages of the most grievous kind, and how that
modesty of character (1) which no enemy had ever treated with
disrespect, became the mere sport of their infuriated fellow-citizens.
Is there any punishment by fire, are there any tortures or forms of
torment, which were not applied to all, without distinction of age or
sex? Then, it may be truly said, the earth shed tears, the
all-encircling compass of heaven mourned because of the pollution of
blood; and the very light of day itself was darkened in grief at the
spectacle.
CHAPTER LIII.
That the Barbarians kindly received the
Christians.
"But what is the consequence of this? Why, the
barbarians themselves may boast now of the contrast their conduct
presents to these creel deeds; for they received and kept in gentlest
captivity those who then fled from amongst us, and secured to them not
merely safety from danger, but also the free exercise of their holy
religion. And now the Roman people bear that lasting stain which the
Christians, at that time driven from the Roman world, and taking refuge
with the barbarians, have branded on them.
CHAPTER LIV.
What Vengeance overtook those who on Account of the Oracle raised the
Persecution.
"But why need I longer dwell on these lamentable
events, and the general sorrow which in consequence pervaded the world?
The perpetrators of this dreadful guilt are now no more: they have
experienced a miserable end, and are consigned to unceasing punishment
in the depths of the lower world. They encountered each other in civil
strife, and have left neither name nor race behind. And surely this
calamity would never have befallen them, had not that impious
deliverance of the Pythian oracle exercised a delusive power over them.
(1)
CHAPTER LV.
Constantine gives Glory to God, makes Grateful Acknowledgment of the
Sign of the Cross, and prays for the Churches and People.
"AND now I beseech thee, most mighty God, to be
merciful and gracious to thine Eastern nations, to thy people in these
provinces, worn as they are by protracted miseries; and grant them
healing through thy servant. Not without cause, O holy God, do I prefer
this prayer to thee, the Lord of all. Under thy guidance have I devised
and accomplished measures fraught with blessings: preceded by thy sacred
sign I have led thy armies to victory: and still, on each occasion of
public danger, I follow the same symbol of thy perfections while
advancing to meet the foe. Therefore have I dedicated to thy service a
soul duly attempered by love and fear. For thy name I truly love, while
I regard with reverence that power of which thou hast given abundant
proofs, to the confirmation and increase of my faith. I hasten, then,
to devote all my powers to the restoration of thy most holy
dwelling-place, which those profane and impious men have defiled by the
contamination of violence.
CHAPTER LVI.
He prays that All may be Christians, but
compels None.
"MY own desire is, for the common good of the world
and the advantage of all mankind, that thy people should enjoy a life of
peace and undisturbed concord. Let those, therefore, who still delight
in error, be made welcome to the same degree of peace and tranquillity
which they have who believe. For it may be that this restoration of
equal privileges to all will prevail to lead them into the straight
path. Let no one molest another, but let every one do as his soul
desires. Only let men of sound judgment be assured of this, that those
only can live a life of holiness and purity, whom thou callest to
a reli-
514
ance on thy holy laws. With regard to those who will hold themselves
aloof from us, let them have, if they please, their temples (1) of lies:
we have the glorious edifice of thy truth, which thou hast given us as
our native home. (2) We pray, however, that they too may receive the
same blessing, and thus experience that heartfelt joy which unity of
sentiment inspires.
CHAPTER LVII.
gives Glory to God, who has given Light by his Son to those who were in
Error.
"And truly our worship is no new or recent thing,
but one which thou hast ordained for thine own due honor, from the time
when, as we believe, this system of the universe was first established.
And, although mankind have deeply fallen, and have been seduced by
manifold errors, yet hast thou revealed a pure light in the person of
thy Son, that the power of evil should not utterly prevail, and hast
thus given testimony to all men concerning thyself.
CHAPTER LVIII.
He glorifies him again for his Government of
the Universe.
"THE truth of this is assured to us by thy works. It
is thy power which removes our guilt, and makes us faithful. The sun and
the moon have their settled course. The stars move in no uncertain
orbits round this terrestrial globe. The revolution of the seasons
recurs according to unerring laws. The solid fabric of the earth was
established by thy word: the winds receive their impulse at appointed
times; and the course of the waters continues with ceaseless flow, (1)
the ocean is circumscribed by an immovable barrier, and whatever is
comprehended within the compass of earth and sea, is all contrived for
wondrous and important ends.
"Were it not so, were not all regulated by the
determination of thy will, so great a diversity, so manifold a division
of power, would unquestionably have brought ruin on the whole race and
its affairs. For those agencies which have maintained a mutual strife
(2) would thus have carried to a more deadly length that hostility
against the human race which they even now exercise, though unseen by
mortal eyes.
CHAPTER LIX.
He gives Glory to God, as the Constant Teacher
of Good.
"ABUNDANT thanks, most mighty God, and Lord of all,
be rendered to thee, that, by so much as our nature becomes known from
the diversified pursuits of man, by so much the more are the precepts of
thy divine doctrine confirmed to those whose thoughts are directed
aright, and who are sincerely devoted to true virtue. As for those who
will not allow themselves to be cured of their error, let them not
attribute this to any but themselves. For that remedy which is of
sovereign and healing virtue is openly placed within the reach of all.
Only let not any one inflict an injury on that religion which experience
itself testifies to be pure and undefiled. Henceforward, therefore, let
us all enjoy in common the privilege placed within our reach, I mean
the blessing of peace, endeavoring to keep our conscience pure from all
that is contrary.
CHAPTER LX.
An Admonition at the Close of the Edict, that No One should trouble his
Neighbor.
"ONCE more, let none use that to the detriment of
another which he may himself have received on conviction of its truth;
but let every, one, if it be possible, apply what he has understood and
known to the benefit of his neighbor; if otherwise, let him relinquish
the attempt. For it is one thing voluntarily to undertake the conflict
for immortality, another to compel others to do so from the fear of
punishment.
"These are our words; and we have enlarged on these
topics more than our ordinary clemency would have dictated, because we
were unwilling to dissemble or be false to the true faith; and the more
so, since we understand there are some who say that the rites of the
heathen temples, and the power of darkness, have been entirely removed.
We should indeed have earnestly
515
recommended such removal to all men, were it not that the rebellious
spirit of those wicked errors still continues obstinately fixed in the
minds of some, so as to discourage the hope of any general restoration
of mankind to the ways of truth." (1)
CHAPTER LXI.
How Controversies originated at Alexandria through Matters relating to
Arius. (1)
In this manner the emperor, like a powerful herald
of God, addressed himself by his own letter to all the provinces, at the
same time warning his subjects against superstitious 2 error, and
encouraging them in the pursuit of true godliness. But in the midst of
his joyful anticipations of the success of this measure, he received
tidings of a most serious disturbance which had invaded the peace of the
Church. This intelligence he heard with deep concern, and at once
endeavored to devise a remedy for the evil. The origin of this
disturbance may be thus described. The people of God were in a truly
flourishing state, and abounding in the practice of good works. No
terror from without assailed them, but a bright and most profound peace,
through the favor of God, encompassed his Church on every side.
Meantime, however, the spirit of envy was watching to destroy our
blessings, which at first crept in unperceived, but soon revelled in the
midst of the assemblies of the saints. At length it reached the bishops
themselves, and arrayed them in angry hostility against each other, on
pretense of a jealous regard for the doctrines of Divine truth. Hence
it was that a mighty fire was kindled as it were from a little spark,
and which, originating in the first instance in the Alexandrian church,
(3) overspread the whole of Egypt and Libya, and the further Thebaid.
Eventually it extended its ravages to the other provinces and cities of
the empire; so that not only the prelates of the churches might be seen
encountering each other in the strife of words, but the people
themselves were completely divided, some adhering to one faction and
others to another. Nay, so notorious did the scandal of these
proceedings become, that the sacred matters of inspired teaching were
exposed to the most shameful ridicule in the very theaters of the
unbelievers.
CHAPTER LXII.
Concerning the Same Arius, and the Melitians. (1)
Some thus at Alexandria maintained an obstinate
conflict on the highest questions. Others throughout Egypt and the Upper
Thebaid, were at variance on account of an earlier controversy: so that
the churches were everywhere distracted by divisions. The body
therefore being thus diseased, the whole of Libya caught the contagion;
and the rest of the remoter provinces became affected with the same
disorder. For the disputants at Alexandria sent emissaries to the
bishops of the several provinces, who accordingly ranged themselves as
partisans on either side, and shared in the same spirit of discord.
CHAFFER LXIII.
How Constantine sent a Messenger and a Letter
concerning Peace.
As soon as the emperor was informed of these facts,
which he heard with much sorrow of heart, considering them in the light
of a calamity personally affecting himself, he forthwith selected
from the Christians in his train one whom he well knew to be approved
for the sobriety and genuineness of his faith, (1) and who had before
this time distinguished himself by the boldness. of his religious
profession, and sent him to negotiate peace (2) between the dissentient
parties at Alexandria. He also made him the bearer of a most needful and
appropriate letter to the original movers of the strife: and this
letter, as exhibiting a specimen of his watchful care over God's people,
it may be well to introduce into this our narrative of his life. Its
purport was as follows.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Constantine's Letter to Alexander the Bishop,
and Arius the Presbyter.
" VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Alexander and Arius.
"I call that God to witness, as well I may, who is
the helper of my endeavors, and the Preserver of all men, that I had a
twofold reason for undertaking that duty which I have
now performed.
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CHAPTER LXV.
His Continual Anxiety for Peace.
"MY design then was, first, to bring the diverse
judgments formed by all nations respecting the Deity to a condition, as
it were, of settled uniformity; and, secondly, to restore to health the
system of the world, then suffering under the malignant power of a
grievous distemper. Keeping these objects in view, I sought to
accomplish the one by the secret eye of thought, while the other I tried
to rectify by the power of military authority. For I was aware that, if
I should succeed in establishing, according to my hopes, a common
harmony of sentiment among all the servants of God, the general course
of affairs would also experience a change correspondent to the pious
desires of them all.
CHAPTER LXVI.
That he also adjusted the Controversies which
had arisen in Africa.
"Finding, then, that the whole of Africa was
pervaded by an intolerable spirit of mad folly, through the influence of
those who with heedless frivolity had presumed to rend the religion of
the people into diverse sects; I was anxious to check this disorder,
and could discover no other remedy equal to the occasion, except in
sending some of yourselves to aid in restoring mutual harmony among the
disputants, after I had removed that common enemy (1) of mankind who had
interposed his lawless sentence for the prohibition of your holy synods.
CHAFFER LXVII.
That Religion began in the East.
"For since the power of Divine light, and the law of
sacred worship, which, proceeding in the first instance, through the
favor of God, from the bosom, as it were, of the East, have illumined
the world, by their sacred radiance, I naturally believed that you would
be the first to promote the salvation of other nations, and resolved
with all energy of thought and diligence of enquiry to seek your aid.
As soon, therefore, as I had secured my decisive victory and
unquestionable triumph over my enemies, my first enquiry was concerning
that object which I felt to be of paramount interest and importance.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
Being grieved by the Dissension, he counsels
Peace.
"BUT, O glorious Providence of God! how deep a wound
did not my ears only, but my very heart receive in the report that
divisions existed among yourselves more grievous still than those which
continued in that country! (1) so that you, through whose aid I had
hoped to procure a remedy for the errors of others, are in a state which
needs healing even more than theirs. And yet, having made a careful
enquiry into the origin and foundation of these differences, I find the
cause to be of a truly insignificant character, and quite unworthy of
such fierce contention. Feeling myself, therefore, compelled to address
you in this letter, and to appeal at the same time to your unanimity
(2) and sagacity, I call on Divine Providence to assist me in the task,
while I interrupt your dissension in the character of a minister of
peace. And with reason: for if I might expect, with the help of a
higher Power, to be able without difficulty, by a judicious appeal to
the pious feelings of those who heard me, to recall them to a better
spirit, even though the occasion of the disagreement were a greater
one, how can I refrain from promising myself a far easier and more
speedy adjustment of this difference, when the cause which hinders
general harmony of sentiment is intrinsically trifling and of little
moment?
CHAPTER LXIX.
Origin of the Controversy between Alexander and Arius, and that these
Questions ought not to have been discussed.
"I UNDERSTAND, then, that the origin of the present
controversy is this. When you, Alexander, demanded of the presbyters
what opinion they severally maintained respecting a certain passage in
the Divine law, (1) or rather, I should say, that you asked them
something connected with an unprofitable question, then you, Arius,
inconsiderately insisted on (2) what ought never to have been conceived
at all, or if conceived, should have been buried in profound silence.
Hence it was that a dissension arose between you, fellowship was
withdrawn, (3) and
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the holy people, rent into diverse parties, no longer preserved the
unity of the one body. Now, therefore, do ye both exhibit an equal
degree of forbearance, (4) and receive the advice which your
fellow-servant righteously gives. What then is this advice? It was wrong
in the first instance to propose such questions as these, or to reply
to them when propounded. For those points of discussion which are
enjoined by the authority of no law, but rather suggested by the
contentious spirit which is fostered by misused leisure, even though
they may be intended merely as an intellectual exercise, ought certainly
to be confined to the region of our own thoughts, and not hastily
produced in the popular assemblies, nor unadvisedly intrusted to the
general ear. For how very few are there able either accurately to
comprehend, or adequately to explain subjects so sublime and abstruse
in their nature? Or, granting that one were fully competent for this,
how many people will he convince? Or, who, again, in dealing with
questions of such subtle nicety as these, can secure himself against a
dangerous declension from the truth? It is incumbent therefore on us in
these cases to be sparing of our words, lest, in case we ourselves are
unable, through the feebleness of our natural faculties, to give a
clear explanation of the subject before us, or, on the other hand, in
case the slowness of our hearers' understandings disables them from
arriving at an accurate apprehension of what we say, from one or other
of these causes the people be reduced to the alternative either of
blasphemy or schism.
CHAPTER LXX.
An Exhortation to Unanimity.
"LET therefore both the unguarded question and the
inconsiderate answer receive your mutual forgiveness. (1) For the cause
of your difference has not been any of the leading doctrines or precepts
of the Divine law, nor has any new heresy respecting the worship of God
arisen among you. You are in truth of one and the same judgment: (2)
you may therefore well join in communion and fellowship.
CHAPTER LXXI.
There should be no
Contention in Matters which are in themselves of Little Moment.
"For as long as you continue to contend about these
small and very insignificant questions, it is not fitting that so large
a portion of God's people should be under the direction of your
judgment, since you are thus divided between yourselves. I believe it
indeed to be not merely unbecoming, but positively evil, that such
should be the case. But I will refresh your minds by a little
illustration, as follows. You know that philosophers, though they all
adhere to one system, are yet frequently at issue on certain points, and
differ, perhaps, in their degree of knowledge: yet they are recalled to
harmony of sentiment by the uniting power of their common doctrines. If
this be true, is it not far more reasonable that you, who are the
ministers of the Supreme God, should be of one mind respecting the
profession of the same religion? But let us still more thoughtfully and
with closer attention examine what I have said, and see whether it be
right that, on the ground of some trifling and foolish verbal
difference between ourselves, brethren should assume towards each other
the attitude of enemies, and the august meeting of the Synod be rent by
profane disunion, because of you who wrangle together on points so
trivial and altogether unessential? This is vulgar, and rather
characteristic of childish ignorance, than consistent I with the wisdom
of priests and men of sense. Let us withdraw ourselves with a good will
from these temptations of the devil. Our great God and common Saviour of
all has granted the same light to us all. Permit me, who am his
servant, to bring my task to a successful issue, under the direction of
his Providence, that I may be enabled, through my exhortations, and
diligence, and earnest admonition, to recall his people to communion and
fellowship. For since you have, as I said, but one faith, and one
sentiment respecting our religion, and since the Divine commandment in
all its parts enjoins on us all the duty of maintaining a spirit of
concord, let not the circumstance which has led to a slight difference
between you, since it does not affect the validity of the whole, cause
any division or schism among you. And this I say without in any way
desiring to force you to entire unity of judgment in regard to
this truly idle question, whatever its real nature may be. For the
dignity of your synod may be preserved, and the communion of your whole
body maintained unbroken, however wide a difference may exist among you
as to unimportant matters. For we are not all of us like-minded on every
subject,
518
nor is there such a thing as one disposition and judgment common to all
alike. As far, then, as regards the Divine Providence, let there be one
faith, and one understanding among you, one united judgment in reference
to God. But as to your subtle disputations on questions of little or no
significance, though you may be unable to harmonize in sentiment, such
differences should be consigned to the secret custody of your own minds
and thoughts. And now, let the preciousness of common affection, let
faith in the truth, let the honor due to God and to the observance of
his law continue immovably among you. Resume, then, your mutual
feelings of friendship, love, and regard: restore to the people their
wonted embracings; and do ye yourselves, having purified your souls, as
it were, once more acknowledge one another. For it often happens that
when a reconciliation is effected by the removal of the causes of
enmity, friendship becomes even sweeter than it was before.
CHAPTER LXXII.
The Excess of his Pious Concern caused him to
shed Tears; and his Intended Journey to the East was postponed because
of These Things.
"RESTORE me then my quiet days, and untroubled
nights, that the joy of undimmed light, the delight of a tranquil life,
may henceforth be my portion. Else must I needs mourn, with constant
tears, nor shall I be able to pass the residue of my days in peace. For
while the people of God, whose fellow-servant I am, are thus divided
amongst themselves by an unreasonable and pernicious spirit of
contention, how is it possible that I shall be able to maintain
tranquillity of mind? And I will give you a proof how great my sorrow
has been on this behalf. Not long since I had visited Nicomedia, and
intended forthwith to proceed from that city to the East. It was while I
was hastening towards you, and had already accomplished the greater
part of the distance, that the news of this matter reversed my plan,
that I might not be compelled to see with my own eyes that which I felt
myself scarcely able even to hear. Open then for me henceforward by your
unity of judgment that road to the regions of the East which your
dissensions have closed against me, and permit me speedily to see
yourselves and all other peoples rejoicing together, and render due
acknowledgment to God in the language of praise and thanksgiving for the
restoration of general concord and liberty to all."
CHAPTER LXXIII.
The Controversy continues without Abatement, even
after the Receipt of This Letter.
IN this manner the pious emperor endeavored by means of the foregoing
letter to promote the peace of the Church of God. And the excellent man
(1) to whom it was intrusted performed his part not merely by
communicating the letter itself, but also by seconding the views of him
who sent it; for he was, as I have said, in all respects a person of
pious character. The evil, however, was greater than could be remedied
by a single letter, insomuch that the acrimony of the contending parties
continually increased, and the effects of the mischief extended to all
the Eastern provinces. These things jealousy and some evil spirit who
looked with an envious eye on the prosperity of the Church, wrought.
BOOK III.
CHAPTER I.
A Comparison of Constantine's Piety with the Wickedness of the
Persecutors.
IN this manner that spirit who is the hater of good,
actuated by envy at the blessing enjoyed by the Church, continued to
raise against her the stormy troubles of intestine discord, in the midst
of a period of peace and joy. Meanwhile, however, the divinely-favored
emperor did not slight the duties befitting him, but exhibited in his
whole conduct a direct contrast to those atrocities of which the cruel
tyrants had been lately guilty, (1) and thus triumphed over every enemy
that opposed him. For in the first place, the tyrants, being themselves
alienated from the true God, had enforced by every compulsion the
worship of false deities: Constantine convinced mankind by actions as
well as words, (2) that these bad but an imaginary existence, and
exhorted them to acknowledge the only true God. They had derided his
Christ with words of blasphemy: he assumed that as his safeguard a
against which they directed their blasphemies, and gloried in the
symbol of the Saviour's passion. They had persecuted and driven from
house and home the servants of Christ: he recalled them every one, and
restored them to their native homes. They had covered them with
dishonor: he made their condition honorable and enviable in the eyes of
all. They had shamefully plundered and sold the goods of godly men:
Constantine not only replaced this loss, but still further enriched them
with abundant presents. They had circulated injurious calumnies,
through their written ordinances, against the prelates of the Church: he
on the contrary, conferred dignity on these individuals by personal
marks of honor, and by his edicts and statutes raised them to higher
distinction than before. They had utterly demolished and razed to the
ground the houses of prayer: he commanded that those which still existed
should be enlarged, and that new ones should be raised on a magnificent
scale at the expense of
the imperial treasury. They had ordered the inspired records to be
burnt and utterly destroyed: he decreed that copies of them should be
multiplied, and magnificently adorned (4) at the charge of the imperial
treasury. They had strictly forbidden the prelates, anywhere or on any
occasion, to convene synods; whereas he gathered them to his court from
every province, received them into his palace, and even to his own
private apartments and thought them worthy to share his home and table.
They had honored the demons with offerings: Constantine exposed their
error, and continually distributed the now useless materials for
sacrifice, to those who would apply them to a better use. They had
ordered the pagan temples to be sumptuously adorned: he razed to their
foundations those of them which had been the chief objects of
superstitious reverence. They had subjected God's servants to the most
ignominious punishments: he took vengeance on the persecutors, and
inflicted on them just chastisement in the name of God, while he held
the memory of his holy martyrs in constant veneration. They had driven
God's Worshipers from the imperial palaces: he placed full confidence in
them at all times, and knowing them to be the better disposed and more
faithful than any beside. They, the victims of avarice, voluntarily
subjected themselves as it were to the pangs of Tantalus: he with royal
magnificence unlocked all his treasures, and distributed his gifts with
rich and high-souled liberality-They committed countless murders, that
they might plunder or confiscate the wealth of their victims; while
throughout the reign of Constantine the sword of justice hung idle
everywhere, and both people and municipal magistrates (5) in every
provence were governed rather by paternal authority than by any
constraining. (6) Surely
520
it must seem to all who duly regard these facts, that a new and fresh
era of existence had begun to appear, and a light heretofore unknown
suddenly to dawn from the midst of darkness on the human race: and all
must confess that these things were entirely the work of God, who raised
up this pious emperor to withstand the multitude of the ungodly.
CHAPTER II.
Father Remarks on Constantine's Piety, and
his Open Testimony to the Sign of the Cross.
AND when we consider that their iniquities were
without example, and the atrocities which they dared to perpetrate
against the Church such as had never been heard of in any age of the
world, well might God himself bring before us something entirely new,
and work thereby effects such as had hitherto been never either recorded
or observed. And what miracle was ever more marvelous than the virtues
of this our emperor, whom the wisdom of God has vouchsafed as a gift to
the human race? For truly he maintained a continual testimony to the
Christ of God with all boldness, and before all men; and so far was he
from shrinking from an open profession of the Christian name, that he
rather desired to make it manifest to all that he regarded this as his
highest honor, now impressing on his face the salutary sign, and now
glorying in it as the trophy which led him on to victory. (1)
CHAPTER III.
Of his Picture surmounted by a Cross and hav-
ing beneath it a Dragon.
AND besides this, he caused to be painted on a lofty
tablet, and set up in the front of the portico of his palace, so as to
be visible to all, a representation of the salutary sign placed above
his head, and below it that hateful and savage adversary of mankind, who
by means of the tyranny of the ungodly had wasted the Church of God,
falling headlong, under the form of a dragon, to the abyss of
destruction. For the sacred oracles in the books of God's prophets have
described him as a dragon and a crooked serpent; (1) and for this reason
the emperor thus publicly displayed a painted (2) resemblance of the
dragon beneath his own and his children's feet, stricken through with a
dart, and cast headlong into the depths of the sea.
In this manner he intended to represent the secret
adversary of the human race, and to indicate that he was consigned to
the gulf of perdition by virtue of the salutary trophy placed above his
head. This allegory, then, was thus conveyed by means of the colors of a
picture: and I am filled with wonder at the intellectual greatness of
the emperor, who as if by divine inspiration thus expressed what the
prophets had foretold concerning this monster, saying that "God would
bring his great and strong and terrible sword against the dragon, the
flying serpent; and would destroy the dragon that was in the sea.'' (3)
This it was of which the emperor gave a true and faithful representation
in the picture above described.
CHAPTER IV.
A Farther Notice of the Controversies raised
in Egypt by Arius.
IN such occupations as these he employed himself
with pleasure: but the effects of that envious spirit which so troubled
the peace of the churches of God in Alexandria, together with the Theban
and Egyptian schism, continued to cause him no little disturbance of
mind. For in fact, in every city bishops were engaged in obstinate
conflict with bishops, and people rising against people; and almost
like the fabled Symplegades, (1) coming into violent collision with
each other. Nay, some were so far transported beyond the bounds of
reason as to be guilty of reckless and outrageous conduct, and even to
insult the statues of the emperor. This state of things had little power
to excite his anger, but rather caused in him sorrow of spirit; for he
deeply deplored the folly thus exhibited by deranged men.
CHAPTER V.
Of the Disagreement respecting the Celebration
of Easter.
BUT before this time another most virulent disorder
had existed, and long afflicted the
521
Church; I mean the difference respecting the salutary feast of Easter.
(1) For while one party asserted that the Jewish custom should be
adhered to, the other affirmed that the exact recurrence of the period
should be observed without following the authority of those who were in
error, and strangers to gospel grace.
Accordingly, the people being thus in every place
divided in respect of this, (1) and the sacred observances of religion
confounded for a long period (insomuch that the diversity of judgment in
regard to the time for celebrating one and the same feast caused the
greatest disagreement between those who kept it, some afflicting
themselves with fastings and austerities, while others devoted their
time to festive relaxation), no one appeared who was capable of devising
a remedy for the evil, because the controversy continued equally
balanced between both parties. To God alone, the Almighty, was the
healing of these differences an easy task; and Constantine appeared to
be the only one on earth capable of being his minister for this good
end. For as soon as he was made acquainted with the facts which I have
described, and perceived that his letter to the Alexandrian Christians
had failed to produce its due effect, he at once aroused the energies of
his mind, and declared that he must prosecute to the utmost this war
also against the secret adversary who was disturbing the peace of the
Church.
CHAFFER VI.
How he ordered a Council to be held at Nicoea.
THEN as if to bring a divine array against this
enemy, he convoked a general council, and invited the speedy attendance
of bishops from all quarters, in letters expressive of the honorable
estimation in which he held them. Nor was this merely the issuing of a
bare command but the emperor's good will contributed much to its being
carried into effect: for he allowed some the use of the public means of
conveyance, while he afforded to others an ample supply of horses (1)
for their transport. The place, too, selected for the synod, the city
Nicaea in Bithynia (named from "Victory"), was appropriate to the
occasion. (2) As soon then as the imperial injunction was generally made
known, all with the utmost willingness hastened thither, as
though they would outstrip one another in a race; for they were impelled
by the anticipation of a happy result to the conference, by the hope of
enjoying present peace, and the desire of beholding something new and
strange in the person of so admirable an emperor. Now when they were
all assembled, it appeared evident that the proceeding was the work of
God, inasmuch as men who had been most widely separated, not merely in
sentiment but also personally, and by difference of country, place, and
nation, were here brought together, and comprised within the walls of a
single city, forming as it were a vast garland of priests, composed of
a variety of the choicest flowers.
CHAPTER VII.
Of the General Council, at which Bishops from
all Nations were Present. (1)
IN effect, the most distinguished of God's ministers
from all the churches which abounded in Europe, Lybia, (2) and Asia were
here assembled. And a single house of prayer, as though divinely
enlarged, sufficed to contain at once Syrians and Cilicians, Phoenicians
and Arabians, delegates from Palestine, and others from Egypt; Thebans
and Libyans, with those who came from the region of Mesopotamia. A
Persian bishop too was present at this conference, nor was even a
Scythian found wanting to the number. (3) Pontus, Galatia, and
Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Phrygia, furnished their most
distinguished prelates; while those who dwelt in the remotest districts
of Thrace and Macedonia, of Achaia and Epirus, were notwithstanding in
attendance. Even from Spain itself, one whose fame was widely spread
took his seat as an individual in the great assembly. (4) The prelate of
the imperial city (5) was prevented from attending by extreme old age;
but his presbyters were present, and supplied his place. Constantine is
the first prince of any age who bound together such a garland as this
with the bond of peace, and presented it to his Saviour as a
thank-offering for the victories he had obtained over every foe, thus
exhibiting in our own times a similitude of the apostolic company.
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CHAPTER VIII.
That the Assembly was composed, as in the
dots of the Apostles, of Individuals from Various Nations.
FOR it iS said (1) that in the Apostles' age, there
were gathered "devout men from every nation under heaven"; among whom
were Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in
Mesopotamia, in Judea, and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, in Phrygia
and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and the parts of Libya about Cyrene; and
sojourners from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabians.
But that assembly was less, in that not all who composed it were
ministers of God; but in the present company, the number of bishops
exceeded two hundred and fifty, (2) while that of the presbyters and
deacons in their train, and the crowd of acolytes and other attendants
was altogether beyond computation.
CHAPTER IX.
Of the Virtue and Age of the Two Hundred and
Fifty Bishops.
Of these ministers of God, some were distinguished
by wisdom and eloquence, others by the gravity of their lives, and by
patient fortitude of character, while others again united in themselves
all these graces. (1) There were among them men whose years demanded
veneration: others were younger, and in the prime of mental vigor; and
some had but recently entered on the course of their ministry. For the
maintenance of all ample provision was daily furnished by the emperor's
command.
CHAPTER X.
Council in the Palace.
Constantine, entering, took his Seat in the Assembly.
Now when the appointed day arrived on which the
council met for the final solution of the questions in dispute, each
member was present for this in the central building of the palace, (1)
which appeared to exceed the rest in magnitude. On each side of the
interior of this were many seats disposed in order, which were occupied
by those who had been invited to attend, according to their rank. As
soon, then, as the whole assembly had seated themselves with becoming
orderliness, a general silence prevailed, in expectation of the
emperor's arrival. And first of all, three of his immediate family
entered in succession, then others also preceded his approach, not of
the soldiers or guards who usually accompanied him, but only friends in
the faith. And now, all rising at the signal which indicated the
emperor's entrance, at last he himself proceeded through the midst of
the assembly, like some heavenly messenger of God, clothed in raiment
which glittered as it were with rays of light, reflecting the glowing
radiance of a purple robe, and adorned with the brilliant splendor of
gold and precious stones. Such was the external appearance of his
person; and with regard to his mind, it was evident that he was
distinguished by piety and godly fear. This was indicated by his
downcast eyes, the blush on his countenance, and his gait. For the rest
of his personal excellencies, he surpassed all present in height of
stature and beauty of form, as well as in majestic dignity of mien, and
invincible strength and vigor. All these graces, united to a suavity of
manner, and a serenity becoming his imperial station, declared the
excellence of his mental qualities to be above all praise. (2) As soon
as he had advanced to the upper end of the seats, at first he remained
standing, and when a low chair of wrought gold had been set for him, he
waited until the bishops had beckoned to him, and then sat down, and
after him the whole assembly did the same.
CHAPTER XI.
Silence of the Council, after Some Words by the
the Bishop Eusebius.
The bishop who occupied the chief place in the right
division of the assembly (1) then rose, and, addressing the emperor,
delivered a concise speech, in a strain of thanksgiving to Almighty God
on his behalf. When he had resumed his seat, silence ensued, and all
regarded the emperor with fixed attention; on which he looked serenely
round on the assembly with a cheerful aspect, and, having collected his
thoughts, in a calm and gentle tone gave utterance to the following
words.
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CHAPTER XII.
"It was once my chief desire, dearest friends, to
enjoy the spectacle of your united presence; and now that this desire is
fulfilled, I feel myself bound to render thanks to God the universal
King, because, in addition to all his other benefits, he has granted me
a blessing higher than all the rest, in permitting me to see you not
only all assembled together, but all united in a common harmony of
sentiment. I pray therefore that no malignant adversary may henceforth
interfere to mar our happy state; I pray that, now the impious hostility
of the tyrants has been forever removed by the power of God our
Saviour, that spirit who delights in evil may devise no other means for
exposing the divine law to blasphemous calumny; for, in my judgment,
intestine strife within the Church of God, is far more evil and
dangerous than any kind of war or conflict; and these our differences
appear to me more grievous than any outward trouble. Accordingly, when,
by the will and with the co-operation of God, I had been victorious
over my enemies, I thought that nothing more remained but to render
thanks to him, and sympathize in the joy of those whom he had restored
to freedom through my instrumentality; as soon as I heard that
intelligence which I had least expected to receive, I mean the news of
your dissension, I judged it to be of no secondary importance, but with
the earnest desire that a remedy for this evil also might be found
through my means, I immediately sent to require your presence. And now
I rejoice in beholding your assembly; but I feel that my desires will
be most completely fulfilled when I can see you all united in one
judgment, and that common spirit of peace and concord prevailing
amongst you all, which it becomes you, as consecrated to the service of
God, to commend to others. Delay not, then, dear friends: delay not, ye
ministers of God, and faithful servants of him who is our common Lord
and Saviour: begin from this moment to discard the causes of that
disunion which has existed among you, and remove the perplexities of
controversy by embracing the principles of peace. For by such conduct
you will at the same time be acting in a manner most pleasing to the
supreme God, and you will confer an exceeding favor on me who am your
fellow-servant."
CHAPTER XIII.
How he led the Dissentient Bishops to Har-
mony of Sentiment.
As soon as the emperor had spoken these words in the
Latin tongue, which another interpreted, he gave permission to those who
presided in the council to deliver their opinions. On this some began
to accuse their neighbors, who defended themselves, and recriminated in
their turn. In this manner numberless assertions were put forth by each
party, and a violent controversy arose at the very commencement.
Notwithstanding this, the emperor gave patient audience to all alike,
and received every proposition with steadfast attention, and by
occasionally assisting the argument of each party in turn, he gradually
disposed even the most vehement disputants to a reconciliation. At the
same time, by the affability of his address to all, and his use of the
Greek language, with which he was not altogether unacquainted, he
appeared in a truly attractive and amiable light, persuading some,
convincing others by his reasonings, praising those who spoke well, and
urging all to unity of sentiment, until at last he succeeded in
bringing them to one mind and judgment respecting every disputed
question.
CHAPTER XIV.
Unanimous Declaration of the Council concerning Faith, and the
Celebration of Easter.
The result was that they were not only united as
concerning the faith, but that the time for the celebration of the
salutary feast of Easter was agreed on by all. Those points also which
were sanctioned by the resolution of the whole body were committed to
writing, and received the signature of each several member. (1) Then the
emperor, believing that he had thus obtained a second victory over the
adversary of the Church, proceeded to solemnize a triumphal festival in
honor of God.
CHAPTER XV.
How Constantine entertained the Bishops on the
Occasion of his Vicennalia.
About this time he completed the twentieth year of
his reign. (1) On this occasion public festivals were celebrated by the
people of the provinces generally, but the emperor himself invited and
feasted with those ministers of God
524
whom he had reconciled, and thus offered as it were through them a
suitable sacrifice to God. Not one of the bishops was wanting at the
imperial banquet, (2) the circumstances of which were splendid beyond
description. Detachments of the body-guard and other troops surrounded
the entrance of the palace with drawn swords, and through the midst of
these the men of God proceeded without fear into the innermost of the
imperial apartments, in which some were the emperor's own companions at
table, while others reclined on couches arranged on either side. (3) One
might have thought that a picture of Christ's kingdom was thus shadowed
forth, and a dream rather than reality.
CHAPTER XVI.
Presents
to the Bishops, and Letters to the People
generally.
AFTER the celebration of this brilliant festival,
the emperor courteously received all his guests, and generously added to
the favors he had already bestowed by personally presenting gifts to
each individual according to his rank. He also gave information of the
proceedings of the synod to those who had not been present, by a letter
in his own hand-writing. And this letter also I will inscribe as it were
on some monument by inserting it in this my narrative of his life. It
was as follows:
CHAPTER XVII.
Constantine's Letter to the Churches respecting
the Council at Nicoea.
"CONSTANTINUS AUGUSTUS, to the Churches. "Having had full proof, in the
general prosperity of the empire, how great the favor of God has been
towards us, I have judged that it ought to be the first object of my
endeavors, that unity of faith, sincerity of love, and community of
feeling in regard to the worship of Almighty God, might be preserved
among the highly favored multitude who compose the Catholic Church. And,
inasmuch as this object could not be effectually and certainly secured,
unless all, or at least the greater number of the bishops were to meet
together, and a discussion of all particulars relating to oar most holy
religion to take place; for this reason as numerous an assembly as
possible has been convened, at which I myself was present, as one among
yourselves (and far be it from me to deny that which is my greatest
joy, that I am your fellow-servant), and every question received due
and full examination, until that judgment which God, who sees all
things, could approve, and which tended to unity and concord, was
brought to light, so that no room was left for further discussion or
controversy in relation to the faith.
CHAPTER XVIII.
He speaks of their Unanimity respecting the
Feast of Easter, and against the Practice of the Jews.
"AT this meeting the question concerning the most
holy day of Easter was discussed, and it was resolved by the united
judgment of all present, that this feast ought to be kept by all and in
every place on one and the same day. For what can be more becoming or
honorable to us than that this feast from which we date our hopes of
immortality, should be observed unfailingly by all alike, according to
one ascertained order and arrangement? And first of all, it appeared an
unworthy thing that in the celebration of this most holy feast we should
follow the practice of the Jews, who have impiously defiled their hands
with enormous sin, and are, therefore, deservedly afflicted with
blindness of soul. For we have it in our power, if we abandon their
custom, to prolong the due observance of this ordinance to future ages,
by a truer order, which we have preserved from the very day of the
passion until the present time. Let us then have nothing in common with
the detestable Jewish crowd; for we have received from our Saviour a
different way. A course at once legitimate and honorable lies open to
our most holy religion. Beloved brethren, let us with one consent adopt
this course, and withdraw ourselves from all participation in their
baseness. (1) For their boast is absurd indeed, that it is not in our
power without instruction from them to observe these things. For how
should they be capable of forming a sound judgment, who, since their
parricidal guilt in slaying their Lord, have been subject to the
direction, not of reason, but of ungoverned passion, and are swayed by
every impulse of the mad spirit that is in them? Hence it is that on
this point as well as others they have no perception of the truth, so
that,
being altogether ignorant of the true adjustment of this question, they
sometimes celebrate
525
Easter twice in the same year. Why then should we follow those who are
confessedly in grievous error? Surely we shall never consent to keep
this feast a second time in the same year. But supposing these reasons
were not of sufficient weight, still it would be incumbent on your
Sagacities (2) to strive and pray continually that the purity of your
souls may not seem in anything to be sullied by fellowship with the
customs of these most wicked men. We must consider, too, that a
discordant judgment in a case of such importance, and respecting such
religious festival, is wrong. For our Saviour has left us one feast in
commemoration of the day of our deliverance, I mean the day of his most
holy passion; and he has willed that his Catholic Church should be one,
the members of which, however scattered in many and diverse places, are
yet cherished by one pervading spirit, that is, by the will of God. And
let your Holinesses' sagacity reflect how grievous and scandalous it is
that on the self-same days some should be engaged in fasting, others in
festive enjoyment; and again, that after the days of Easter some should
be present at banquets and amusements, while others are fulfilling the
appointed fasts. It is, then, plainly the will of Divine Providence (as
I suppose you all clearly see), that this usage should receive fitting
correction, and be reduced to one uniform rule.
CHAPTER XIX.
Exhortation to follow the Example of the
Greater Part of the World.
"Since, therefore, it was needful that this matter
should be rectified, so that we might have nothing in common with that
nation of parricides who slew their Lord: and since that arrangement is
consistent with propriety which is observed by all the churches of the
western, southern, and northern parts of the world, and by some of the
eastern also: for these reasons all are unanimous on this present
occasion in thinking it worthy of adoption. And I myself have undertaken
that this decision should meet with the approval of your Sagacities,
(1) in the hope that your Wisdoms (1) will gladly admit that practice
which is observed at once in the city of Rome, and in Africa;
throughout Italy, and in Egypt, in Spain, the Gauls, Britain, Libya,
and the whole of Greece; in the dioceses of Asia and Pontus, and in
Cilicia, with entire unity of judgment. And you will consider not only
that the number of churches is far greater in the regions I have
enumerated than in any other, but also that it is most fitting that all
should unite in desiring that which sound reason appears to demand, and
in avoiding all participation in the perjured conduct of the Jews. (2)
In fine, that I may express my meaning in as few words as possible, it
has been determined by the common judgment of all, that the most holy
feast of Easter should be kept on one and the same day. For on the one
hand a discrepancy of opinion on so sacred a question is unbecoming, and
on the other it is surely best to act on a decision which is free from
strange folly and error.
CHAPTER XX.
Exhortation to obey the Decrees of the Council.
"RECEIVE, then, with all willingness this truly
Divine injunction, and regard it as in truth the gift of God. For
whatever is determined in the holy assemblies of the bishops is to be
regarded as indicative of the Divine will. As soon, therefore, as you
have communicated these proceedings to all our beloved brethren, you are
bound from that time forward to adopt for yourselves, and to enjoin on
others the arrangement above mentioned, and the due observance of this
most sacred day; that whenever I come into the presence of your love,
which I have long desired, I may have it in my power to celebrate the
holy feast with you on the same day, and may rejoice with you on all
accounts, when I behold the cruel power of Satan removed by Divine aid
through the agency of our endeavors, while your faith, and peace, and
concord ever? where flourish. God preserve you, beloved brethren
The emperor transmitted a faithful copy (1) of this
letter to every province, wherein they who read it might discern as in a
mirror the pure sincerity of his thoughts, and of his piety toward God.
CHAPTER XXI.
Recommendation to the Bishops, on their Depar-
ture, to Preserve Harmony.
AND now, when the council was on the point of being
finally dissolved, he summoned all the bishops to meet him on an
appointed day, and on their arrival addressed them in a farewell
526
speech, in which he recommended them to be diligent in the maintenance
of peace, to avoid contentious disputations, amongst themselves and not
to be jealous, if any one of their number should appear pre-eminent for
wisdom and eloquence, but to esteem the excellence of one a blessing
common to all. On the other hand he reminded them that the more gifted
should forbear to exalt themselves to the prejudice of their humbler
brethren, since it is God's prerogative to judge of real superiority.
Rather should they considerately condescend to the weaker, remembering
that absolute perfection in any case is a rare quality indeed. Each
then, should be willing to accord indulgence to the other for slight
offenses, to regard charitably and pass over mere human weaknesses;
holding mutual harmony in the highest honor, that no occasion of mockery
might be given by their dissensions to those who are ever ready to
blaspheme the word of God: whom indeed we should do all in our power to
save, and this cannot be unless our conduct seems to them attractive.
But you are well aware of the fact that testimony is by no means
productive of blessing to all, since some who hear are glad to secure
the supply of their mere bodily necessities, while others court the
patronage of their superiors; some fix their affection on those who
treat them with hospitable kindness, others again, being honored with
presents, love their benefactors in return; but few are they who really
desire the word of testimony, and rare indeed is it to find a friend of
truth. Hence the necessity of endeavoring to meet the case of all, and,
physician-like, to administer to each that which may tend to the health
of the soul, to the end that the saving doctrine may be fully honored by
all. Of this kind was the former part of his exhortation; (1) and in
conclusion he enjoined them to offer diligent supplications to God on
his behalf. Having thus taken leave of them, he gave them all permission
to return to their respective countries; and this they did with joy,
and thenceforward that unity of judgment at which they had arrived in
the emperor's presence continued to prevail, and those who had long
been divided were bound together as members of the same body.
CHAPTER XXII.
How he dismissed Some, and wrote Letters to
Others; also his Presents.
Full of joy therefore at this success, the emperor
presented as it were pleasant fruits in the way of letters to those who
had not been present at the council. He commanded also that ample gifts
of money should be bestowed on all the people, both in the country and
the cities, being pleased thus to honor the festive occasion of the
twentieth anniversary of his reign.
CHAPTER XXIII.
How he wrote to the Egyptians, exhorting them
to Peace.
And now, when all else were at peace, among the
Egyptians alone an implacable contention still raged, (1) so as once
more to disturb the emperor's tranquillity, though not to excite his
anger. For indeed he treated the contending parties with all respect, as
fathers, nay rather, as prophets of God; and again he summoned them to
his presence, and again patiently acted as mediator between them, and
honored them with gifts, and communicated also the result of his
arbitration by letter. He confirmed and sanctioned the decrees of the
council, and called on them to strive earnestly for concord, and not to
distract and rend the Church, but to keep before them the thought of
God's judgment. And these injunctions the emperor sent by a letter
written with his own hand.
CHAPTER XXIV.
How he wrote Frequent Letters of a Religious
Character to the Bishops and People.
But besides these, his writings are very numerous on
kindred subjects, and he was the author of a multitude of letters, some
to the bishops, in which he laid injunctions on them tending to the
advantage of the churches of God; and sometimes the thrice blessed one
addressed the people of the churches generally, calling them his own
brethren and fellow-servants. But perhaps we may hereafter find leisure
to collect these despatches in a separate form, in order that the
integrity of our present history may not be impaired by their insertion.
CHAPTER XXV.
How he ordered the Erection of a Church at
Jerusalem, in the Holy Place of our Saviour's Resurrection.
AFTER these things, the pious emperor addressed
himself to another work truly worthy of record, in the province of
Palestine. What
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then was this work? He judged it incumbent on him to render the blessed
locality of our Saviour's resurrection an object of attraction and
veneration to all. He issued immediate injunctions, therefore, for the
erection in that spot of a house of prayer: and this he did, not on the
mere natural impulse of his own mind, but being moved in spirit by the
Saviour himself.
CHAPTER XXVI.
That the Holy Sepulchre had been covered with Rubbish and with Idols by
the Ungodly.
For it had been in time past the endeavor of impious
men (or rather let me say of the whole race of evil spirits through
their means), to consign to the darkness of oblivion that divine
monument of immortality to which the radiant angel had descended from
heaven, and rolled away the stone for those who still had stony hearts,
and who supposed that the living One still lay among the dead; and had
declared glad tidings to the women also, and removed their stony-hearted
unbelief by the conviction that he whom they sought was alive. This
sacred cave, then, certain impious and godless persons had thought to
remove entirely from the eyes of men, supposing in their folly that
thus they should be able effectually to obscure the truth. Accordingly
they brought a quantity of earth from a distance with much labor, and
covered the entire spot; then, having raised this to a moderate height,
they paved it with stone, concealing the holy cave beneath this massive
mound. Then, as though their purpose had been effectually accomplished,
they prepare on this foundation a truly dreadful sepulchre of souls, by
building a gloomy shrine of lifeless idols to the impure spirit whom
they call Venus, and offering detestable oblations therein on profane
and accursed altars. For they supposed that their object could not
otherwise be fully attained, than by thus burying the sacred cave
beneath these foul pollutions. Unhappy men! they were unable to
comprehend how impossible it was that their attempt should remain
unknown to him who had been crowned with victory over death, any more
than the blazing sun, when he rises above the earth, and holds his
wonted course through the midst of heaven, is unseen by the whole race
of mankind. Indeed, his saving power, shining with still greater
brightness, and illumining, not the bodies, but the souls of men, was
already filling the world with the effulgence of its own light.
Nevertheless, these devices of impious and wicked men against the truth
had prevailed for a long time, nor had any one of the governors, or
military commanders, or even of the emperors themselves ever yet
appeared, with ability to abolish these daring impieties, save only
that one who enjoyed the favor of the King of kings. And now, acting as
he did under the guidance of the divine Spirit, he could not consent to
see the sacred spot of which we have spoken, thus buried, through the
devices of the adversaries, under every kind of impurity, and abandoned
to forgetfulness and neglect; nor would he yield to the malice of those
who had contracted this guilt, but calling on the divine aid, gave
orders that the place should be thoroughly purified, thinking that the
parts which had been most polluted by the enemy ought to receive
special tokens, through his means, of the greatness of the divine
favor. As soon, then, as his commands were issued, these engines of
deceit were cast down from their proud eminence to the very ground, and
the dwelling-places of error, with the statues and the evil spirits
which they represented, were overthrown and utterly destroyed.
CHAPTER XXVII.
How Constantine commanded the Materials of
the Idol Temple, and the Soil itself, to be removed at a Distance.
Nor did the emperor's zeal stop here; but he gave
further orders that the materials of what was thus destroyed, both stone
and timber, should be removed and thrown as far from the spot as
possible; and this command also was speedily executed. The emperor,
however, was not satisfied with having proceeded thus far: once more,
fired with holy ardor, he directed that the ground itself should be dug
up to a considerable depth, and the soil which had been polluted by the
foul impurities of demon worship transported to a far distant place.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
Discovery of the Most Holy Sepulchre. (1)
This also was accomplished without delay. But as
soon as the original surface of the ground, beneath the covering of
earth, appeared, immediately, and contrary to all expectation, the
venerable and hollowed monument of our Saviour's resurrection was
discovered. Then indeed did this most holy cave present a faithful
simili-
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tude of his return to life, in that, after lying buried in darkness, it
again emerged to light, and afforded to all who came to witness the
sight, a clear and visible proof of the wonders of which that spot had
once been the scene, a testimony to the resurrection of the Saviour
clearer than any voice could give.
CHAPTER XXIX.
How he wrote concerning the Erection of a
Church, both to the Governors of the Provinces, and to the Bishop
Macarius.
IMMEDIATELY after the transactions I have recorded,
the emperor sent forth injunctions which breathed a truly pious spirit,
at the same time granting ample supplies of money, and commanding that a
house of prayer worthy of the worship of God should be erected near the
Saviour's tomb on a scale of rich and royal greatness. This object he
had indeed for some time kept in view, and had foreseen, as if by the
aid of a superior intelligence, that which should afterwards come to
pass. He laid his commands, therefore, on the governors of the Eastern
provinces, that by an abundant and unsparing expenditure they should
secure the completion of the work on a scale of noble and ample
magnificence. He also despatched the following letter to the bishop who
at that time presided over the church at Jerusalem, in which he clearly
asserted the saving doctrine of the faith, writing in these terms.
CHAPTER XXX.
Constantine's Letter to Macarius respecting the Building of the Church
of our Saviour.
"VICTOR CONSTANTIUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, tO
Macarius.
"Such is our Saviour's grace, that no power of
language seems adequate to describe the wondrous circumstance to which I
am about to refer. For, that the monument of his most holy Passion, so
long ago buried beneath the ground, should have remained unknown for so
long a series of years, until its reappearance to his servants now set
free through the removal of him (1) who was the common enemy of all, is
a fact which truly surpasses all admiration. For if all who are
accounted wise throughout the world were to unite in their endeavors to
say somewhat worthy of this event, they would be unable to attain their
object in the smallest degree. Indeed, the nature of this miracle as far
transcends the capacity of human reason as heavenly things are superior
to human affairs. For this cause it is ever my first, and indeed my
only object, that, as the authority of the truth is evincing itself
daily by fresh wonders, so our souls may all become more zealous, with
all sobriety and earnest unanimity, for the honor of the Divine
law. I desire, therefore, especially, that you should be persuaded of
that which I suppose is evident to all beside, namely, that I have no
greater care than how I may best adorn with a splendid structure that
sacred spot, which, under Divine direction, I have disencumbered as it
were of the heavy weight of foul idol worship; a spot which has been
accounted holy from the beginning in God's judgment, but which now
appears holier still, since it has brought to light a clear assurance
of our Saviour's passion.
CHAPTER XXXI.
That the Building should surpass all the
Churches in the World in the Beauty of its Walls, its Columns, and
Marbles.
"IT will be well, therefore, for your sagacity to
make such arrangements and provision of all things needful for the work,
that not only the church itself as a whole may surpass all others
whatsoever in beauty, but that the details of the building may be of
such a kind that the fairest structures in any city of the empire may be
excelled by this. And with respect to the erection and decoration of
the walls, this is to inform you that our friend Dracilianus, the deputy
of the Praetorian Praefects, and the governor of the province,
have received a charge from us. For our pious directions to them are to
the effect that artificers and laborers, and whatever they shall
understand from your sagacity to be needful for the advancement of the
work, shall forthwith be furnished by their care. And as to the columns
and marbles, whatever you shall judge, after actual inspection of the
plan, to be especially precious and serviceable, be diligent to send
information to us in writing, in order that whatever quantity or sort
of materials we shall esteem from your letter to be needful, may be
procured from every quarter, as required, for it is fitting that the
most marvelous place in the world should be worthily decorated.
CHAPTER XXXII.
That he instructed the Governors concerning the
Beautifying of the Roof; also concerning Workmen, and Materials.
"WITH respect to the ceiling (1) of the church,
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I wish to know from you whether in your judgment it should be
panel-ceiled, (2) or finished with any other kind of workmanship. If the
panel ceiling be adopted, it may also be ornamented with gold. For the
rest, your Holiness will give information as early as possible to the
before-mentioned magistrates how many laborers and artificers, and what
expenditure of money is required. You will also be careful to send us a
report without delay, not only respecting the marbles and columns, but
the paneled ceiling also, should this appear to you to be the most
beautiful form. God preserve you, beloved brother !"
CHAPTER XXXIII.
How the Church of our Saviour, the New Jerusalem prophesied of in
Scripture, was built.
This was the emperor's letter; and his directions
were at once carried into effect. Accordingly, on the very spot which
witnessed the Saviour's sufferings, a new Jerusalem was constructed,
over against the one so celebrated of old, which, since the foul stain
of guilt brought on it by the murder of the Lord, had experienced the
last extremity of desolation, the effect of Divine judgment on its
impious people. It was opposite this city that the emperor now began to
rear a monument to the Saviour's victory over death, with rich and
lavish magnificence. And it may be that this was that second and new
Jerusalem spoken of in the predictions of the prophets, (1) concerning
which such abundant testimony is given in the divinely inspired records.
First of all, then, he adorned the sacred cave
itself, as the chief part of the whole work, and the hallowed monument
at which the angel radiant with light had once declared to all that
regeneration which was first manifested in the Saviour's person.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Description of the Structure of the Holy Sepul-
chre.
This monument, therefore, first of all, as the chief
part of the whole, the emperor's zealous magnificence beautified with
rare columns, anti profusely enriched with the most splendid decorations
of every kind.
CHAPTER XXXV.
Description of the Atrium and Porticos.
The next object of his attention was a space of
ground of great extent, and open to the pure air of heaven. This he
adorned with a pavement of finely polished stone, and enclosed it on
three sides with porticos of great length.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Description of the Walls, Roof, Decoration, and Gilding of the Body of
the Church.
For at the side opposite to the cave, which was the
eastern side, the church itself was erected; a noble work rising to a
vast height, and of great extent both in length and breadth. The
interior of this structure was floored with marble slabs of various
colors; while the external surface of the walls, which shone with
polished stones exactly fitted together, exhibited a degree of splendor
in no respect inferior to that of marble. With regard to the roof, it
was covered on the outside with lead, as a protection against the rains
of winter. But the inner part of the roof, which was finished with
sculptured panel work, extended in a series of connected compartments,
like a vast sea, over the whole church; (1) and, being overlaid
throughout with the purest gold, caused the entire building to glitter
as it were with rays of light.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
Description of the Double Porticos on Either Side, and of the Three
Eastern Gates.
BESIDES this were two porticos on each side, with
upper and lower ranges of pillars, (1) corresponding in length with the
church itself; and these also had their roofs ornamented with gold. Of
these porticos, those which were exterior to the church were supported
by columns of great size, while those within these rested on piles (2) of
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stone beautifully adorned on the surface. Three gates, placed exactly
east, were intended to receive the multitudes who entered the church.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
Description of the
Hemisphere, the Twelve Columns, and their Bowls.
OPPOSITE these gates the crowning part of the whole
was the hemisphere, (1) which rose to the very summit of the church.
This was encircled by twelve columns (according to the number of the
apostles of our Saviour), having their capitals embellished with silver
bowls of great size, which the emperor himself presented as a splendid
offering to his God.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
Description of the Inner Court, the Arcades
and Porches.
In the next place he enclosed the atrium which
occupied the space leading to the entrances in front of the church. This
comprehended, first the court, then the porticos on each side, and
lastly the gates of the court. After these, in the midst of the open
market-place, (1) the general entrance-gates, which were of exquisite
workmanship, afforded to passers-by on the outside a view of the
interior which could not fail to inspire astonishment.
CHAPTER XL.
Of the Number of his Offerings.
This temple, then, the emperor erected as a
conspicuous monument of the Saviour's resurrection, and embellished it
throughout on an imperial scale of magnificence. He further enriched it
with numberless offerings of inexpressible beauty and various
materials,--gold, silver, and precious stones, the skillful and
elaborate arrangement of which, in regard to their magnitude, number,
and variety, we have not leisure at present to describe particularly. (1)
CHAPTER XLI.
Of the Erection of Churches in Bethlehem, and
an the Mount of Olives.
In the same country he discovered other places,
venerable as being the localities of two sacred caves: and these also he
adorned with lavish magnificence. In the one case, he rendered due
honor to that which had been the scene of the first manifestation of our
Saviour's divine presence, when he submitted to be born in mortal
flesh; while in the case of the second cavern he hallowed the
remembrance of his ascension to heaven from the mountain top. And while
he thus nobly testified his reverence for these places, he at the same
time eternized the memory of his mother, (1) who had been the instrument
of conferring so valuable a benefit on mankind.
CHAPTER XLII.
That the Empress Helena, (1) Constantine's
Mother, having visited this Locality for Devotional Purposes, built
these Churches.
For she, having resolved to discharge the duties of
pious devotion to the God, the King of kings, and feeling it incumbent
on her to render thanksgivings with prayers on behalf both of her own
son, now so mighty an emperor, and of his sons, her own grandchildren,
the divinely favored Caesars, though now advanced m years, yet gifted
with no common degree of wisdom, had hastened with youthful alacrity to
survey this venerable land; and at the same time to visit the eastern
provinces, cities, and people, with a truly imperial solicitude. As
soon, then, as she had rendered due reverence to the ground which the
Saviour's feet had trodden, according to the prophetic word which says
(2) "Let us worship at the place whereon his feet have stood," she
immediately bequeathed the fruit of her piety to future generations.
CHAPTER XLIII.
A Farther Notice of the Churches at Bethlehem.
FOR without delay she dedicated two churches to the
God whom she adored, one at the grotto which had been the scene of the
Saviour's birth; the other on the mount of his ascension. For
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he who was "God with us" had submitted to be born even in a cave (1) of
the earth, and the place of his nativity was called Bethlehem by the
Hebrews. Accordingly the pious empress honored with rare memorials the
scene of her travail who bore this heavenly child, and beautified the
sacred cave with all possible splendor. The emperor himself soon after
testified his reverence for the spot by princely offerings, and added to
his mother's magnificence by costly presents of silver and gold, and
embroidered hangings. And farther, the mother of the emperor raised a
stately structure on the Mount of Olives also, in memory of his ascent
to heaven who is the Saviour of mankind, erecting a sacred church and
temple on the very summit of the mount. And indeed authentic history
informs us that in this very cave the Saviour imparted his secret
revelations to his disciples. (2) And here also the emperor testified
his reverence for the King of kings, by diverse and costly offerings.
Thus did Helena Augusta, the pious mother of a pious emperor, erect over
the two mystic caverns these two noble and beautiful monuments of
devotion, worthy of everlasting remembrance, to the honor of God her
Saviour, and as proofs of her holy zeal, receiving from her son the aid
of his imperial power. Nor was it long ere this aged woman reaped the
due reward of her labors. After passing the whole period of her life,
even to declining age, in the greatest prosperity, and exhibiting both
in word and deed abundant fruits of obedience to the divine precepts,
and having enjoyed in consequence an easy and tranquil existence, with
unimpaired powers of body and mind, at length she obtained from God an
end befitting her pious course, and a recompense of her good deeds even
in this present life.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Of Helena's Generosity and Beneficent Acts.
For on the occasion of a circuit which she made of
the eastern provinces, in the splendor of imperial authority, she
bestowed abundant proofs of her liberality as well on the inhabitants of
the several cities collectively, as on individuals who approached her,
at the same time that she scattered largesses among the soldiery with a
liberal hand. But especially abundant were the gifts she bestowed on
the naked and unprotected poor. To some she gave money, to others an
ample supply of clothing: she liberated some from imprisonment, or from
the bitter servitude of the mines; others she delivered from unjust
oppression, and others again, she restored from exile.
CHAPTER XLV.
Helena's Pious Conduct in the Churches.
WHILE, however, her character derived luster
from such deeds as I have described, she was far from neglecting
personal piety toward God. (1) She might be seen continually frequenting
his Church, while at the same time she adorned the houses of prayer
with splendid offerings, not overlooking the churches of the smallest
cities. In short, this admirable woman was to be seen, in simple and
modest attire, mingling with the crowd of worshipers, and testifying
her devotion to God by a uniform course of pious conduct.
CHAPTER XLVI.
How she made her Will, and died at the Age of
Eighty Years.
AND when at length at the close of a long life, she
was called to inherit a happier lot, having arrived at the eightieth
year of her age, and being very near the time of her departure, she
prepared and executed her last will in favor of her only son, the
emperor and sole monarch of the world, and her grandchildren, the
Caesars his sons, to whom severally she bequeathed whatever property she
possessed in any part of the world. Having thus made her will, this
thrice blessed woman died in the presence of her illustrious son, who
was in attendance at her side, caring for her and held her hands: so
that, to those who rightly discerned the truth, the thrice blessed
one seemed not to die, but to experience a real change and transition
from an earthly to a heavenly existence, since her soul, remoulded as
it were into an incorruptible and angelic essence, (1) was received up
into her Saviour's presence. (2)
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CHAPTER XLVII.
How Constantine buried his Mother, and how
he honored her during her Life.
HER body, too, was honored with special tokens of
respect, being escorted on its way to the imperial city by a vast train
of guards, and there deposited in a royal tomb. Such were the last days
of our emperor's mother, a person worthy of being had in perpetual
remembrance, both for her own practical piety, and because she had given
birth to so extraordinary and admirable an offspring. And well may his
character be styled blessed, for his filial piety as well as on other
grounds. He rendered her through his influence so devout a worshiper of
God, (though she had not previously been such,) that she seemed to have
been instructed from the first by the Saviour of mankind: and besides
this, he had honored her so fully with imperial dignities, that in
every province, and in the very ranks of the soldiery, she was spoken
of under the titles of Augusta and empress, and her likeness was
impressed on golden coins. (1) He had even granted her authority over
the imperial treasures, to use and dispense them according to her own
will and discretion in every case for this enviable distinction also
she received at the hands of her son. Hence it is that among the
qualities which shed a luster on his memory, we may rightly include
that surpassing degree of filial affection whereby he rendered full
obedience to the Divine precepts which enjoin due honor from children
to their parents. In this manner, then, the emperor executed in
Palestine the noble works I have above described: and indeed in every
province he raised new churches on a far more imposing scale than those
which had existed before his time.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
How he built Churches in Honor of Martyrs, and abolished Idolatry at
Constantinople.
And being fully resolved to distinguish the city
which bore his name with especial honor, he embellished it with numerous
sacred edifices, both memorials of martyrs on the largest scale, and
other buildings of the most splendid kind, not only within the city
itself, but in its vicinity: and thus at the same time he rendered
honor to the memory of the martyrs, and consecrated his city to the
martyrs' God. Being filled, too, with Divine wisdom, he determined to
purge the city which was to be distinguished by his own name from
idolatry of every kind, that henceforth no statues might be worshiped
there in the temples of those falsely reputed to be gods, nor any
altars defiled by the pollution of blood: that there might be no
sacrifices consumed by fire, no demon festivals, nor any of the other
ceremonies usually observed by the superstitious.
CHAPTER XLIX.
Representation of the Cross in the Palace, and of Daniel at the Public
Fountains.
On the other hand one might see the fountains in the
midst of the market place graced with figures representing the good
Shepherd, well known to those who study the sacred oracles, and that of
Daniel also with the lions, forged in brass, and resplendent with plates
of gold. Indeed, so large a measure of Divine love possessed the
emperor's soul, that in the principal apartment of the imperial palace
itself, on a vast tablet (1) displayed in the center of its gold-covered
paneled ceiling, he caused the symbol of our Saviour's Passion to be
fixed, composed of a variety of precious stones richly inwrought with
gold. This symbol he seemed to have intended to be as it were the
safeguard of the empire itself.
CHAPTER L.
That he erected Churches in Nicomedia, and in
Other Cities.
HAVING thus embellished the city which bore
his name, he next distinguished the capital of
Bithynia (1) by the erection of a stately and magnificent church, being
desirous of raising in this city also, in honor of his Saviour and at
his own charges, a memorial of his victory over his own enemies and the
adversaries of God. He also decorated the principal cities of the other
provinces with sacred edifices of great beauty; as, for example, in the
case of that metropolis of the East which derived its name from
Antiochus, in which, as the head of that portion of the empire, he
consecrated to the service of God a church of unparalleled size and
beauty. The entire building was encompassed by an enclosure of great
extent, within which the church itself rose to a vast elevation, being
of an octagonal form, and surrounded on all sides by
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many chambers, courts, and upper and lower apartments; the whole richly
adorned with a profusion of gold, brass, and other materials of the most
costly kind.
CHAPTER LI.
That he ordered a Church to be built at Mambre.
Such was the principal sacred edifices erected by
the emperor's command. But having heard that the self-same Saviour who
erewhile had appeared on earth (1) had in ages long since past afforded
a manifestation of his Divine presence to holy men of Palestine near the
oak of Mambre, (2) he ordered that a house of prayer should be built
there also in honor of the God who had thus appeared. Accordingly the
imperial commission was transmitted to the provincial governors by
letters addressed to them individually, enjoining a speedy completion of
the appointed work. He sent moreover to the writer of this history an
eloquent admonition, a copy of which I think it well to insert in the
present work, in order to convey a just idea of his pious diligence and
zeal. To express, then, his displeasure at the evil practices which he
had heard were usual in the place just referred to, he addressed me in
the following terms.
CHAPTER LII.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning
Mambre.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to Macarius,
and the rest of the bishops in Palestine. (2)
"One benefit, and that of no ordinary importance,
has been conferred on us by my truly pious mother-in-law, (2) in that
she has made known to us by letter that abandoned folly of impious men
which has hitherto escaped detection by you: so that the criminal
conduct thus overlooked may now through our means obtain fitting
correction and remedy, necessary though ardy. For surely it is a grave
impiety indeed, that holy places should be defiled by the stain of
unhallowed impurities. What then is this, dearest brethren, which,
though it has eluded your sagacity, she of whom I speak was impelled by
a pious sense of duty to disclose?
CHAPTER LIII.
That the Saviour appeared in this Place to
Abraham.
"SHE assures me, then, that the place which takes
its name from the oak of Mambre, where we find that Abraham dwelt, is
defiled by certain of the slaves of superstition in every possible way.
She declares that idols (1) which should be utterly destroyed have been
erected on the site of that tree; that an altar is near the spot; and
that impure sacrifices are continually performed. Now since it is
evident that these practices are equally inconsistent with the character
of our times, and unworthy the sanctity of the place itself, I wish
your Gravities (2) to be informed that the illustrious Count Acacius,
our friend, has received instructions by letter from me, to the effect
that every idol which shall be found in the place above-mentioned shall
immediately be consigned to the flames; that the altar be utterly
demolished; and that if any one, after this our mandate, shall be
guilty of impiety of any kind in this place, he shall be visited with
condign punishment. The place itself we have directed to be adorned
with an unpolluted structure, I mean a church; in order that it may
become a fitting place of assembly for holy men. Meantime, should any
breach of these our commands occur, it should be made known to our
clemency without the least delay by letters from you, that we may
direct the person detected to be dealt with, as a transgressor of the
law, in the severest manner. For you are not ignorant that the Supreme
God first appeared to Abraham, and conversed with him, in that place.
There it was that the observance of the Divine law first began; there
first the Saviour himself, with the two angels, vouchsafed to Abraham a
manifestation of his presence; there God first appeared to men; there
he gave promise to Abraham concerning his future seed, and straightway
fulfilled that promise; there he foretold that he should be the father
of a multitude of nations.
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For these reasons, it seems to me right that this place should not only
be kept pure through your diligence from all defilement, but restored
also to its pristine sanctity; that nothing hereafter may be done there
except the performance of fitting service to him who is the Almighty
God, and our Saviour, and Lord of all. And this service it is incumbent
on you to care for with due attention, if your Gravities be willing (and
of this I feel confident) to gratify my wishes, which are especially
interested in the worship of God. May he preserve you, beloved
brethren!"
CHAPTER LIV.
Destruction of Idol Temples and Images every-
where.
ALL these things the emperor diligently performed to
the praise of the saving power of Christ, and thus made it his constant
aim to glorify his Saviour God. On the other hand he used every means to
rebuke the superstitious errors of the heathen. Hence the entrances of
their temples in the several cities were left exposed to the weather,
being stripped of their doors at his command; the tiling of others was
removed, and their roofs destroyed. From others again the venerable
statues of brass, of which the superstition of antiquity had boasted
for a long series of years, were exposed to view in all the public
places of the imperial city: so that here a Pythian, there a Sminthian
Apollo, excited the contempt of the beholder: while the Delphic tripods
were deposited in the hippodrome and the Muses of Helicon in the palace
itself. In short, the city which bore his name was everywhere filled
with brazen statues of the most exquisite workmanship, which had been
dedicated in every province, and which the deluded victims of
superstition had long vainly honored as gods with numberless victims
and burnt sacrifices, though now at length they learnt to renounce
their error, when the emperor held up the very objects of their worship
to be the ridicule and sport of all beholders. With regard to those
images which were of gold, he dealt with them in a different manner.
For as soon as he understood that the ignorant multitudes were inspired
with a vain and childish dread of these bugbears of error, wrought in
gold and silver, he judged it right to remove these also, like
stumbling-stones thrown in the way of men walking in the dark, and
henceforward to open a royal road, plain and unobstructed to all.
Having formed this resolution, he considered no soldiers or military
force of any sort needful for the suppression of the evil: a few of his
own friends sufficed for this service, and these he sent by a simple
expression of his will to visit each several province. Accordingly,
sustained by confidence in the emperor's pious intentions and their own
personal devotion to God, they passed through the midst of numberless
tribes and nations, abolishing this ancient error in every city and
country. They ordered the priests themselves, amidst general laughter
and scorn, to bring their gods from their dark recesses to the light of
day: they then stripped them of their ornaments, and exhibited to the
gaze of all the unsightly reality which had been hidden beneath a
painted exterior. Lastly, whatever part of the material appeared
valuable they scraped off and melted in the fire to prove its worth,
after which they secured and set apart whatever they judged needful for
their purpose, leaving to the superstitious worshipers that which was
altogether useless, as a memorial of their shame. Meanwhile our
admirable prince was himself engaged in a work similar to what we have
described. For at the same time that these costly images of the dead
were stripped, as we have said, of their precious materials, he also
attacked those composed of brass; causing those to be dragged from
their places with ropes and as it were carried away captive, whom the
dotage of mythology had esteemed as gods.
CHAPTER LV.
Overthrow of an Idol Temple, and Abolition of
Licentious Practices, at Aphaca in Phoenicia.
THE emperor's next care was to kindle, as it were, a
brilliant torch, by the light of which he directed his imperial gaze
around, to see if any hidden vestiges of error might still exist. And as
the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward flight is able to descry from
its lofty height the most distant objects on the earth, so did he,
while residing in the imperial palace of his own fair city, discover as
from a watch-tower a hidden and fatal snare of souls in the province of
Phoenicia. This was a grove and temple, not situated in the midst of any
city, nor in any public place, as for splendor of effect is generally
the case, but apart from the beaten and frequented road, at Aphaca, on
part of the summit of Mount Lebanon, and dedicated to the foul demon
known by the name of Venus. It was a school of wickedness for all the
votaries of impurity, and such as destroyed their bodies with
effeminacy. Here men undeserving of the name forgot the dignity of
their sex, and propitiated the demon by their effeminate conduct; here
too unlawful commerce of women and adulterous intercourse, with other
horrible and infamous practices, were
535
perpetrated in this temple as in a place beyond the scope and restraint
of law. Meantime these evils remained unchecked by the presence of any
observer, since no one of fair character ventured to visit such scenes.
These proceedings, however, could not escape the vigilance of our august
emperor, who, having himself inspected them with characteristic
forethought, and judging that such a temple was unfit for the light of
heaven, gave orders that the building with its offerings should be
utterly destroyed. Accordingly, in obedience to the imperial command,
these engines of an impure superstition were immediately abolished, and
the hand of military force was made instrumental in purging the place.
And now those who had heretofore lived without restraint learned
self-control through the emperor's threat of punishment, as likewise
those superstitious Gentiles wise in their own conceit, who now obtained
experimental proof of their own folly.
CHAFFER LVI.
Destruction of the Temple of AEsculapius at
FOR since a wide-spread error of these pretenders to
wisdom concerned the demon worshiped in Cilicia, whom thousands regarded
with reverence as the possessor of saving and healing power, who
sometimes appeared to those who passed the night in his temple,
sometimes restored the diseased to health, though on the contrary he was
a destroyer of souls, who drew his easily deluded worshipers from the
true Saviour to involve them in impious error, the emperor,
consistently with his practice, and desire to advance the worship of him
who is at once a jealous God and the true Saviour, gave directions that
this temple also should be razed to the ground. In prompt obedience to
this command, a band of soldiers laid this building, the admiration of
noble philosophers, prostrate in the dust, together with its unseen
inmate, neither demon nor god, but rather a deceiver of souls, who had
seduced mankind for so long a time through various ages. And thus he
who had promised to others deliverance from misfortune and distress,
could find no means for his own security, any more than when, as is
told in myth, he was scorched by the lightning's stroke. (2) Our
emperor's pious deeds, however, had in them nothing fabulous or feigned;
but by virtue of the manifested power of his Saviour, this temple as
well as others was so utterly overthrown, that not a vestige of the
former follies was left behind.
CHAPTER LVII.
How the Gentiles abandoned Idol Worship, and turned to the Knowledge of
God.
HENCE it was that, of those who had been the slaves
of superstition, when they saw with their own eyes the exposure of their
delusion, and beheld the actual ruin of the temples and images in every
place, some applied themselves to the saving doctrine of Christ; while
others, though they declined to take this step, yet reprobated the
folly which they had received from their fathers, and laughed to scorn
what they had so long been accustomed to regard as gods. Indeed, what
other feelings could possess their minds, when they witnessed the
thorough uncleanness concealed beneath the fair exterior of the objects
of their worship? Beneath this were found either the bones of dead men
or dry skulls, fraudulently adorned by the arts of magicians, (1) or
filthy rags full of abominable impurity, or a bundle of hay or stubble.
On seeing all these things heaped together within their lifeless images,
they denounced their fathers' extreme folly and their own, especially
when neither in the secret recesses of the temples nor in the statues
themselves could any inmate be found; neither demon, nor utterer of
oracles, neither god nor prophet, as they had heretofore supposed: nay,
not even a dim and shadowy phantom could be seen. Accordingly, every
gloomy cavern, every hidden recess, afforded easy access to the
emperor's emissaries: the inaccessible and secret chambers, the
innermost shrines of the temples, were trampled by the soldiers' feet;
and thus the mental blindness which had prevailed for so many ages over
the gentile world became clearly apparent to the eyes of all.
CHAFFER LVIII.
How he destroyed the Temple of Venus at
Heliopolis, and built the First Church in that City.
SUCH actions as I have described may well be
reckoned among the emperor's noblest achievements, as also the wise
arrangements which he made respecting each particular province. We may
instance the Phoenician city Heliopolis, in which those who dignify
licentious pleasure with a distinguishing title of honor, had permitted
their wives and daughters to commit shameless fornication. But now a new
statute, breathing the very spirit of modesty, proceeded from the
emperor, which peremptorily forbade the con-
536
tinuance of former practices. And besides this he sent them also
written exhortations, as though he had been especially ordained by God
for this end, that he might instruct all men in the principles of
chastity. Hence, he disdained not to communicate by letter even with
these persons, urging them to seek diligently the knowledge of God. At
the same time he followed up his words by corresponding deeds, and
erected even in this city a church of great size and magnificence: so
that an event unheard of before in any age, now for the first time came
to pass, namely, that a city which had hitherto been wholly given up to
superstition now obtained the privilege of a church of God, with
presbyters and deacons, and its people were placed under the presiding
care of a bishop consecrated to the service of the supreme God. And
further, the emperor, being anxious that here also as many as possible
might be won to the truth, bestowed abundant provision for the
necessities of the poor, desiring even thus to invite them to seek the
doctrines of salvation, as though he were almost adopting the words of
him who said, "Whether in pretense, or in truth, let Christ be
preached." (1)
CHAPTER LIX.
Of the Disturbance at Antioch by Eustathius.
IN the midst, however, of the general happiness
occasioned by these events, and while the Church of God was every where
and every way flourishing throughout the empire, once more that spirit
of envy, who ever watches for the ruin of the good, prepared himself to
combat the greatness of our prosperity, in the expectation, perhaps,
that the emperor himself, provoked by our tumults and disorders, might
eventually become estranged from us. Accordingly, he kindled a furious
controversy at Antioch, and thereby involved the church in that place in
a series of tragic calamities, which had well-nigh occasioned the total
overthrow of the city. The members of the Church were divided into two
opposite parties; while the people, including even the magistrates and
soldiery, were roused to such a pitch, that the contest would have been
decided by the sword, had not the watchful providence of God, as well
as dread of the emperor's displeasure, controlled the fury of the
multitude. On this occasion, too, the emperor, acting the part of a
preserver and physician of souls, applied with much forbearance the
remedy of persuasion to those who needed it. He gently pleaded, as it
were by an embassy, with his people, sending among them one of
the best approved and most faithful of those who were honored with the
dignity of Count; (1) at the same time that he exhorted them to a
peaceable spirit by repeated letters, and instructed them in the
practice of true godliness, Having prevailed by these remonstrances, he
excused their conduct in his subsequent letters, alleging that he had
himself heard the merits of the case from him on whose account the
disturbance had arisen. (2) And these letters of his, which are replete
with learning and instruction of no ordinary kind, I should have
inserted in this present work, were it not that they might affix a mark
of dishonor to the character of the persons accused. I will therefore
omit these, being unwilling to revive the memory of past grievances,
and will only annex those to my present narrative which he wrote to
testify his satisfaction at the re-establishment of peace and concord
among the rest. In these letters, he cautioned them against any desire
to claim the ruler of another district, (3) through whose intervention
peace had been restored, as their own, and exhorted them, consistently
with the usage of the Church, to choose him as their bishop, whom the
common Saviour of all should point out as suited for the office. His
letter, then, is addressed to the people and to the bishops, severally,
in the following terms.
CHAPTER LX.
Constantine's Letter to the Antiochians,
directing them not to withdraw Eusebius from Coesarea, but to seek some
one else.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS, to the people of Antioch.
"How pleasing to the wise and intelligent portion of
mankind is the concord which exists among you! And I myself, brethren,
am disposed to love you with an enduring affection, inspired both by
religion, and by your own manner of life and zeal on my behalf. It is by
the exercise of right understanding and sound discretion, that we are
enabled really to enjoy our blessings. And what can become you so well
as i this discretion? No wonder, then, if I affirm that your
maintenance of the truth has tended rather to promote your security than
to draw on you the hatred of others. Indeed, amongst brethren, whom the
selfsame disposition to walk
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in the ways of truth and righteousness promises, through the favor of
God, to register among his pure and holy family, what can be more
honorable than gladly to acquiesce in the prosperity of all men?
Especially since the precepts of the divine law prescribe a better
direction to your proposed intention, and we ourselves desire that your
judgment should be confirmed by proper sanction. (1) It may be that you
are surprised, and at a loss to understand the meaning of this
introduction to my present address. The cause of it I will not hesitate
to explain without reserve. I confess, then, that on reading your
records I perceived, by the highly eulogistic testimony which they bear
to Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, whom I have myself long well known and
esteemed for his learning and moderation, that you are strongly attached
to him, and desire to appropriate him as your own. What thoughts, then,
do you suppose that I entertain on this subject, desirous as I am to
seek for and act on the strict principles of right? What anxiety do you
imagine this desire of yours has caused me? O holy faith, who givest us
in our Saviour's words and precepts a model, as it were, of what our
life should be, how hardly wouldst thou thyself resist the sins of men,
were it not that thou refusest to subserve the purposes of gain! In my
own judgment, he whose first object is the maintenance of peace, seems
to be superior to Victory herself; and where a right and honorable
course lies open to one's choice, surely no one would hesitate to adopt
it. I ask then, brethren, why do we so decide as to inflict an injury
on others by our choice? Why do we covet those objects which will
destroy the credit of our own reputation? I myself highly esteem the
individual whom ye judge worthy of your respect and affection:
notwithstanding, it cannot be right that those principles should be
entirely disregarded which should be authoritative and binding on all
alike, so that each should not be content with his own circumstances,
and all enjoy their proper privileges: nor can it be right, in
considering the claims of rival candidates, to suppose but that not one
only, but many, may appear worthy of comparison with this person. For
as long as no violence or harshness are suffered to disturb the
dignities of the church, they continue to be on an equal footing, and
worthy of the same consideration everywhere. Nor is it reasonable that
an inquiry into the qualifications of this one should be made to the
detriment of others; since the judgment of all churches, whether
reckoned of greater or less importance in themselves, is equally capable
of receiving and maintaining the
divine ordinances, so that one is in no way inferior to another, if we
will but boldly declare the truth, in regard to that standard of
practice which is common to all. If this be so, we must say that you
will be chargeable, not with retaining this prelate, but with wrongfully
removing him; your conduct will be characterized rather by violence
than justice; and whatever may be generally thought by others, I dare
clearly and boldly affirm that this measure will furnish ground of
accusation against you, and will provoke factious disturbances of the
most mischievous kind: for even timid flocks can show the use and power
of their teeth, when the watchful care of their shepherd declines, and
they find themselves bereft of his accustomed guidance. If this then be
really so, if I am not deceived in my judgment, let this, brethren, be
your first consideration, for many and important considerations will
immediately present themselves, whether, should you persist in your
intention, that mutual kindly feeling and affection which should
subsist among you will suffer no diminution? In the next place,
remember that he, who came among you for the purpose of offering
disinterested counsel, (2) now enjoys the reward which is due to him in
the judgment of heaven; for he has received no ordinary recompense in
the high testimony you have borne to his equitable conduct. Lastly, in
accordance with your usual sound judgment, do ye exhibit a becoming
diligence in selecting the person of whom you stand in need, carefully
avoiding all factious and tumultuous clamor; for such clamor is always
wrong, and from the collision of discordant elements both sparks and
flame will arise. I protest, as I desire to please God and you, and to
enjoy a happiness commensurate with your kind wishes, that I love you,
and the quiet haven of your gentleness, now that you have cast from you
that which defiled, (3) and received in its place at once sound morality
and concord, firmly planting in the vessel the sacred standard, and
guided, as one may say, by a helm of iron in your course onward to the
light of heaven. Receive then on board that merchandise which is
incorruptible, since, as it were, all
538
bilge water has been drained from the vessel; and be careful henceforth
so to secure the enjoyment of all your present blessing, that you may
not seem at any future time either to have determined any measure on the
impulse of inconsiderate or ill-directed zeal, or in the first instance
rashly to have entered on an inexpedient course. May God preserve you,
beloved brethren!"
CHAPTER LXI.
The Emperor's Letter to Eusebius praising him for
refusing the Bishopric of Antioch.
The Emperor's Letter to me an my refusing the
Bishopric of Antioch.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"I have most carefully perused your letter, and
perceive that you have strictly conformed to the rule enjoined by the
discipline of the Church. Now to abide by that which appears at the same
time pleasing to God, and accordant with apostolical tradition, is a
proof of true piety. You have reason to deem yourself happy on this
behalf, that you are counted worthy, in the judgment, I may say, of all
the world, to have the oversight of any church. For the desire which all
feel to claim you for their own, undoubtedly enhances your enviable
fortune in this respect. Notwithstanding, your Prudence whose resolve it
is to observe the ordinances of God and the apostolic canon of the
Church, (1) has done excellently well in declining the bishopric of the
church at Antioch, and desiring to continue in that church of which you
first received the oversight by the will of God. I have written on this
subject to the people of Antioch, and also to your colleagues in the
ministry who had themselves consulted me in regard to this question; on
reading which letters, your Holiness will easily discern, that, inasmuch
as justice itself opposed their claims, I have written to them under
divine direction. It will be necessary that your Prudence should be
present at their conference, in order that this decision may be
ratified in the church at Antioch. God preserve you, beloved brother!"
CHAPTER LXII.
Constantine's Letter to the Council, depreciating the Removal of
Eusebius from Coesarea.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Theodotus, Theodorus, Narcissus, Aëtius, Alpheus, and the rest
of the bishops who are at Antioch.
"I have perused the letters written by your
Prudences, and highly approve of the wise resolution of your colleague
in the ministry, Eusebius. Having, moreover, been informed of the
circumstances of the case, partly by your letters, partly by those of
our illustrious counts, (1) Acacius and Strategius, after sufficient
investigation I have written to the people of Antioch, suggesting the
course which will be at once pleasing to God and advantageous for the
Church. A copy of this I have ordered to be subjoined to this present
letter, in order that ye yourselves may know what I thought fit, as an
advocate of the cause of justice, to write to that people: since I find
in your letter this proposal, that, in consonance with the choice of the
people, sanctioned by your own desire, Eusebius the holy bishop of
Caesarea should preside over and take the charge of the church at
Antioch. Now the letters of Eusebius himself on this subject appeared to
be strictly accordant with the order prescribed by the Church.
Nevertheless it is expedient that your Prudences should be made
acquainted with my opinion also. For I am 'informed that Euphronius the
presbyter, who is a citizen of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and George
of Arethusa, likewise a presbyter, and appointed to that office by
Alexander at Alexandria, (2) are men of tried faith. It was right,
therefore, to intimate to your Prudences, that in proposing these men
and any others whom you may deem worthy the episcopal dignity, you
should decide this question in a manner conformable to the tradition of
the apostles. For in that case, your Prudences will be able, according
to the rule of the Church and apostolic tradition, to direct this
election in the manner which true ecclesiastical discipline shall
prescribe. God preserve you, beloved brethren!"
CHAPTER LXIII.
How he displayed his Zeal for the Extirpation
of Heresies.
Such were the exhortations to do all things to the
honor of the divine religion which the emperor addressed to the rulers
of the churches. Having by these means banished dissension, and
539
reduced the Church of God to a state of uniform harmony, he next
proceeded to a different duty, feeling it incumbent on him to extirpate
another sort of impious persons, as pernicious enemies of the human
race. These were pests of society, who ruined whole cities under the
specious garb of religious decorum; men whom our Saviour's warning voice
somewhere terms false prophets and ravenous wolves: "Beware of false
prophets, which will come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly are
ravening wolves. By their fruits ye shall know them." (1) Accordingly,
by an order transmitted to the governors of the several provinces, he
effectually banished all such offenders. In addition to this ordinance
he addressed to them personally a severely awakening admonition,
exhorting them to an earnest repentance, that they might still find a
haven of safety in the true Church of God. Hear, then, in what manner
he addressed them in this letter.
CHAPTER LXIV.
Constantine's Edict against the Heretics.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the heretics.
"Understand now, by this present statute, ye
Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, Paulians, ye who are called
Cataphrygians, (1) and all ye who devise and support heresies by means
of your private assemblies, with what a tissue of falsehood and vanity,
with what destructive and venomous errors, your doctrines are
inseparably interwoven; so that through you the healthy soul is stricken
with disease, and the living becomes the prey of everlasting death. Ye
haters and enemies of truth and life, in league with destruction! All
your counsels are opposed to the truth, but familiar with deeds of
baseness; full of absurdities and fictions: and by these ye frame
falsehoods, oppress the innocent, and withhold the light from them that
believe. Ever trespassing under the mask of godliness, ye fill all
things with defilement: ye pierce the pure and guileless conscience
with deadly wounds, while ye withdraw, one may almost say, the very
light of day from the eyes of men. But why should I particularize, when
to speak of your criminality as it deserves demands more time and
leisure than I can give? For so long and unmeasured is the catalogue of
your offenses, so hateful and altogether atrocious are they, that a
single day would not suffice to recount them all. And, indeed, it is
well to turn one's ears and eyes from such a subject, lest by a
description of each particular evil, the pure sincerity and freshness
of one's own faith be impaired. Why then do I still bear with such
abounding evil; especially since this protracted clemency is the cause
that some who were sound are become tainted with this pestilent
disease? Why not at once strike, as it were, at the root of so great a
mischief by a public manifestation of displeasure?
CHAPTER LXV.
The Heretics are deprived of their Meeting
Places.
"FORASMUCH, then, as it is no longer possible to
bear with your pernicious errors, we give warning by this present
statute that none of you henceforth presume to assemble yourselves
together. (1) We have directed, accordingly, that you be deprived of all
the houses in which you are accustomed to hold your assemblies: and our
care in this respect extends so far as to forbid the holding of your
superstitious and senseless meetings, not in public merely, but in any
private house or place whatsoever. Let those of you, therefore, who are
desirous of embracing the true and pure religion, take the far better
course of entering the catholic Church, and uniting with it in holy
fellowship, whereby you will be enabled to arrive at the knowledge of
the truth. In any case, the delusions of your perverted understandings
must entirely cease to mingle with and mar the felicity of our present
times: I mean the impious and wretched double-mindedness of heretics
and schismatics. For it is an object worthy of that prosperity which we
enjoy through the favor of God, to endeavor to bring back those who in
time past were living in the hope of future blessing, from all
irregularity and error to the right path, from darkness to light, from
vanity to truth, from death to salvation. And in order that this remedy
may be applied with effectual power, we have commanded, as before said,
that you be positively deprived of every gathering point for your
superstitious meetings, I mean all the houses of prayer, if such be
worthy of the name, which belong to
540
heretics, and that these be made over without delay to the catholic
Church; that any other places be confiscated to the public service, and
no facility whatever be left for any future gathering; in order that
from this day forward none of your unlawful assemblies may presume to
appear in any public or private place. Let this edict be made public."
CHAPTER LXVI.
How on the Discovery of Prohibited Books
among the Heretics, Many of them return to the Catholic Church.
THUS were the lurking-places of the heretics broken
up by the emperor's command, and the savage beasts they harbored (I mean
the chief authors of their impious doctrines) driven to flight. Of
those whom they had deceived, some, intimidated by the emperor's
threats, disguising their real sentiments, crept secretly into the
Church. For since the law directed that search should be made for their
books, those of them who practiced evil and forbidden arts were
detected, and, these were ready to secure their own safety by
dissimulation of every kind. (1) Others, however, there were, who
voluntarily
and with real sincerity embraced a better hope. Meantime the prelates
of the several churches. continued to make strict inquiry, utterly
rejecting those who attempted an entrance under the specious disguise of
false pretenses, while those who came with sincerity of purpose were
proved for a time, and after sufficient trial numbered with the
congregation. Such was the treatment of those who stood charged with
rank heresy: those, however, who maintained no impious doctrine, but had
been separated from the one body through the influence of schismatic
advisers, were received without difficulty or delay. Accordingly,
numbers thus revisited, as it were, their own country after an absence
in a foreign land, and acknowledged the Church as a mother from whom
they had wandered long, and to whom they now returned with joy and
gladness. Thus the members of the entire body became united, and
compacted in one harmonious whole; and the one catholic Church, at
unity with itself, shone with full luster, while no heretical or
schismatic body anywhere continued to exist. (2) And the credit of
having achieved this mighty work our Heaven-protected emperor alone, of
all who had gone before him, was able to attribute to himself.
BOOK IV.
CHAPTER I.
How he honored Many by Presents and Promo-
tions.
WHILE thus variously engaged in promoting
Saviour's doctrine, the emperor was far from neglecting secular
affairs; but in this respect also he was unwearied in bestowing benefits
of every kind and in quick succession on the people of every province.
On the one hand he manifested a paternal anxiety for the general
welfare of his subjects; on the other he would distinguish individuals
of his own acquaintance with various marks of honor; conferring his
benefits in every instance in a truly noble spirit. No one could
request a favor from the emperor, and fail of obtaining what he sought:
no one expected a boon from him, and found that expectation vain. (1)
Some received presents in money, others in land; some obtained the
Praetorian praefecture, others senatorial, others again consular rank:
many were appointed provincial governors: others were made counts of
the first, second, or third order: in numberless instances the title of
Most Illustrious and many other distinctions were conferred; for the
emperor devised new dignities, that he might invest a larger number
with the tokens of his favor.
CHAPTER II.
Remission of a Fourth Part of the Taxes.
THE extent to which he studied the general happiness
and prosperity may be understood from a single instance most beneficial
and universal in its application, and still gratefully remembered. He
remitted a fourth part of the yearly tribute paid for land, and bestowed
it on the owners of the soil; so that if we compute this yearly
reduction, we shall find that the cultivators enjoyed their produce
free of tribute every fourth year. (1) This privilege being established
by law, and secured for the time to come, has given occasion for the
emperor's beneficence to be held, not merely by the then present
generation, but by their children and descendants, in perpetual
remembrance.
CHAPTER III.
Equalization of the More Oppressive Taxes.
AND whereas some persons found fault with the
surveys of land which had been made under former emperors, and
complained that their property was unduly burdened; acting in this case
also on the principles of justice, he sent commissioners to equalize the
tribute, and to secure immunity to those who had made this. appeal.
CHAPTER IV.
His Liberality, from his private Resources, to the Losers in Suits of a
Pecuniary Nature.
IN cases of judicial arbitration, in order that the
loser by his decision might not quit his presence less contented than
the victorious litigant, he himself bestowed, and from his own private
means in some cases lands, in other money, on the defeated party. In
this manner he took care that the loser, as having appeared in his
ought in any case to retire dejected and sorrowful from an interview
with such a price. (1) Thus it happened that both parties returned from
the scene of trial with glad and cheerful countenances, while the
emperor's noble-minded liberality excited universal admiration.
CHAPTER V.
Conquest of the Scythians defeated through the
Sign of Our Saviour.
AND why should I relate even briefly and
incidentally, how he subjected barbarous nations to the Roman power; how
he was the first who
542
pelled them, how unwilling soever, to own the sovereignty of Rome? For
the emperors who preceded him had actually rendered tribute to the
Scythians: and Romans, by an annual payment, had confessed themselves
servants to barbarians; an indignity which our emperor could no longer
bear, nor think it consistent with his victorious career to continue the
payment his predecessors had made. Accordingly, with full confidence in
his Saviour's aid he raised his conquering standard against these
enemies also, and soon reduced them all to obedience; coercing by
military force those who fiercely resisted his authority, while, on the
other hand, he con-
ilization from their lawless and savage life. Thus the Scythians at
length learned to acknowledge subjection to the power of Rome.
CHAPTER VI.
Conquest of the Sarmatians, consequent on the
Rebellion of their Slaves.
WITH respect to the Sarmatians, God himself brought
them beneath the rule of Constantine, and subdued a nation swelling with
barbaric pride in the following manner. Being attacked by the
Scythians, they had entrusted their slaves with arms, in order to repel
the enemy. These slaves first overcame the invaders and then, turning
their weapons against their masters, drove them all from their native
land. The expelled Sarmatians found that their only hope of safety was
in Constantine's protection: and he, whose familiar habit it was to save
men's lives, received them all within the confines of the Roman empire.
(1) Those who were capable of serving he incorporated with his own
troops: to the rest he allotted lands to cultivate for their own
support so that they themselves acknowledged that their past misfortune
had produced a happy result in that they now enjoyed Roman liberty in
place of savage barbarism. In this manner God added to his dominions
many and various barbaric tribes.
CHAPTER VII.
Ambassadors from Different Barbarous Nations receive Presents from the
Emperor.
INDEED, ambassadors were continually arriving from
all nations, bringing for his acceptance their most precious gifts. So
that I myself have sometimes stood near the entrance of the imperial
palace, and observed a noticeable array of barbarians in attendance,
differing from each other in costume and decorations, and equally unlike
in the fashion of their hair and beard. Their aspect truculent and
terrible, their bodily stature prodigious: some of a red complexion,
others white as snow, others again of an intermediate color. For in the
number of those I have referred to might be seen specimens of the
Blemmyan tribes, of the Indians, and the Ethiopians, (1)" that
widely-divided race, remotest of mankind." All these in due succession,
like some painted pageant, presented to the emperor those gifts which
their own nation held in most esteem; some offering crowns of
goldments embroidered with gold and flowers: some appeared with horses,
others with shields and long spears, with arrows and bows thereby
offering their services and alliance for the emperors acceptance. These
presents he separately received and carefully laid aside, acknowledging
them in so munificent a manner as at once to enrich those who bore them.
He also honored the noblest among them with Roman offices of dignity;
so that many of them thenceforward preferred to continue their
residence among us, and felt no desire to revisit their native land.
CHAPTER VIII.
That he wrote also to the King of Persia (1)
who had sent him an Embassy, on Behalf of the Christians in his Realm.
THE king of the Persians also having testified a
desire to form an alliance with Constantine, by sending an embassy and
presents as assurances of peace and friendship, the emperor, in
negotiating this treaty, far surpassed the monarch who had first done
him honor, in the magnificence with which he acknowledged his gifts.
Having heard, too, that there were many churches of God in Persia, and
that large numbers there were gathered into the fold of Christ, full of
joy at this intelligence, he resolved to extend his anxiety for the
general welfare to that country also, as one whose aim it was to care
for all alike in every nation.
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CHAPTER IX.
teller of Constantine Augustus to Sapor, King
of the Persians, containing a truly Pious Confession of God and Christ.
Copy of his Letter to the King of Persia.
"By keeping the Divine faith, I am made a partaker
of the light of truth: guided by the light of truth, I advance in the
knowledge of the Divine faith. Hence it is that, as my actions
themselves evince, I profess the most holy religion; and this worship I
declare to be that which teaches me deeper acquaintance with the most
holy God; aided by whose Divine power, beginning from the very borders
of the ocean, I have aroused each nation of the world in succession to a
well-grounded hope of security; so that those which, groaning in
servitude to the most cruel tyrants and yielding to the pressure of
their daily sufferings, had well nigh been utterly destroyed, have been
restored through my agency to a far happier state. This God I confess
that I hold in unceasing honor and remembrance; this God I delight to
contemplate with pure and guileless thoughts in the height of his glory.
CHAPTER X.
The Writer denounces Idols, and glorifies God.
"THIS God I invoke with bended knees, and recoil
with horror from the blood of sacrifices from their foul and detestable
odors, and from every earth-born magic fire: (1) for the profane and
impious superstitions which are defiled by these rites have cast down
and consigned to perdition many, nay, whole nations of the Gentile
world. For he who is Lord of all cannot endure that those blessings
which, in his own loving-kindness and consideration of the wants of men
he has revealed for the rise of all, should be perverted to serve the
lusts of any. His only demand from man is purity of mind and an
undefiled spirit; and by this standard he weighs the actions of virtue
and godliness. For his pleasure is in works of moderation and
gentleness: he loves the meek, and hates the turbulent spirit:
delighting in faith, he chastises unbelief: by him all presumptuous
power is broken down, and he avenges the insolence of the proud. While
the arrogant and haughty are utterly overthrown, he requires the humble
and forgiving with deserved rewards: even so does he highly honor and
strengthen with his special help a kingdom justly governed, and
maintains a prudent king in the tranquillity of peace.
CHAPTER XI.
Against the Tyrants and Persecutors; and on
the Captivity of Valerian.
"I CANNOT, then, my brother believe that I err in
acknowledging this one God, the author and parent of all things: whom
many of my predecessors in power, led astray by the madness of error,
have ventured to deny, but who were all visited with a retribution so
terrible and so destructive, that all succeeding generations have held
up their calamities as the most effectual warning to any who desire to
follow in their stops. Of the number of these I believe him (1) to have
been, whom the lightning-stroke of Divine vengeance drove forth from
hence, and banished to your dominions and whose disgrace contributed to
the fame of your celebrated triumph.
CHAPTER XII.
He declares that, having witnessed the Fall
of the Persecutors, he now rejoices at the Peace enjoyed by the
Christians.
"AND it iS surely a happy circumstance that the
punishment of such persons as I have described should have been publicly
manifested in our own times. For I myself have witnessed the end of
those who lately harassed the worshipers of God by their impious edict.
And for this abundant thanksgivings are due to God that through his
excellent Providence all men who observe his holy laws are gladdened by
the renewed enjoyment of peace. Hence I am fully persuaded that
everything is in the best and safest posture, since God is vouchsafing,
through the influence of their pure and faithful religious service, and
their unity of judgment respecting his Divine character, to gather all
men to himself.
CHAPTER XIII.
He bespeaks his Affectionate Interest for he
Christians in his Country.
"IMAGINE, then, with what joy I heard tidings so
accordant with my desire, that the fairest districts of Persia are
filled with those men on whose behalf alone I am at present speaking, I
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mean the Christians. I pray, therefore, that both you and they may
enjoy abundant prosperity, and that your blessings and theirs may be in
equal measure; (1) for thus you will experience the mercy and favor of
that God who is the Lord and Father of all. And now, because your power
is great, I commend these persons to your protection; because your
piety is eminent, I commit them to your care. Cherish them with your
wonted humanity and kindness; for by this proof of faith you will
secure an immeasurable benefit both to yourself and us."
CHAPTER XIV.
How the Zealous Prayers of Constantine pro-
cured Peace to the Christians.
THUS, the nations of the world being everywhere
guided in their course as it were by the skill of a single pilot, and
acquiescing in the administration of him who governed as the servant of
God, the peace of the Roman empire continued undisturbed, and all
classes of his subjects enjoyed a life of tranquillity and repose. At
the same time the emperor, who was convinced that the prayers of godly
men contributed powerfully to the maintenance of the public welfare,
felt himself constrained zealously to seek such prayers and not only
himself implored the help and favor of God, but charged the prelates of
the churches to offer supplications on his behalf.
CHAPTER XV.
He causes himself to be represented on his
Coins, and in his Portraits, in the Attitude of Prayer.
How deeply his soul was impressed by the power of
divine faith may be understood from the circumstance that he directed
his likeness to be stamped on the golden coin of the empire with the
eyes uplifted as in the posture of prayer to God: and this money became
current throughout the Roman world. His portrait also at full length was
placed over the entrance gates of the palaces in some cities, the eyes
upraised to heaven, and the hands outspread as if in prayer.
CHAPTER XVI.
He forbids by Law the Plating his Likeness in
Idol Temples.
IN this manner he represented himself, even through
the medium of painting, as habitually engaged in prayer to God. At the
same time he forbade, by an express enactment, the setting up of any
resemblance of himself in any idol temple, that not even the mere
lineaments of his person might receive contamination from the error of
forbidden superstition.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of his Prayers in the Palace, and his Reading
the Holy Scriptures.
STILL nobler proofs of his piety might be discerned
by those who marked how he modeled as it were his very palace into a
church of God, and himself afforded a pattern of zeal to those assembled
therein: how he took the sacred scriptures into his hands, and devoted
himself to the study of those divinely inspired oracles; after which he
would offer up regular prayers with all the members of his imperial
court.
CHAPTER XVIII.
He enjoins the General Observance of the Lord's Day, and the Day of
Preparation.
HE ordained, too, that one day should be regarded as
a special occasion for prayer: I mean that which is truly the first and
chief of all, the day of our Lord and Saviour. The entire care of his
household was entrusted to deacons and other ministers consecrated to
the service of God, and distinguished by gravity of life and every other
virtue: while his trusty body guard, strong in affection and fidelity
to his person, found in their emperor an instructor in the practice of
piety, and like him held the Lord's salutary day in honor and performed
on that day the devotions which he loved. The same observance was
recommended by this blessed prince to all classes of his subjects: his
earnest desire being gradually to lead all mankind to the worship of
God. Accordingly he enjoined on all the subjects of the Roman empire to
observe the Lord's day, as a day of rest, and also to honor the day
which precedes the Sabbath; in memory, I suppose, of what the Saviour
of mankind is recorded to have achieved on that day. (1) And since his
desire was to teach his whole army zealously to honor the Saviour's day
(which derives its name from light, and from the sun), (2) he freely
granted to those
545
among them who were partakers of the divine faith, leisure for
attendance on the services of the Church of God, in order that they
might be able, without impediment, to perform their religious worship.
CHAPTER XIX.
That he directed even his Pagan Soldiers to
pray on the Lord's Day.
WITH regard to those who were as yet ignorant of
divine truth, he provided by a second statute that they should appear on
each Lord's day on an open plain near the city, and there, at a given
signal, offer to God with one accord a prayer which they had previously
learnt. He admonished them that their confidence should not rest in
their spears, or armor, or bodily strength, but that they should
acknowledge the supreme God as the giver of every good, and of victory
itself; to whom they were bound to offer their prayers with due
regularity, uplifting
on whom they should call as the Author of victory, their Preserver,
Guardian, and Helper. The emperor himself prescribed the prayer
to be used by all his troops, commanding them, to pronounce the
following words in the Latin tongue:
CHAPTER XX.
The Form of Prayer given by Constantine to his
Soldiers.
"WE acknowledge thee the only God: we own thee, as
our King and implore thy succor. By thy favor have we gotten the victory
through thee are we mightier than our enemies. We render thanks for thy
past benefits, and trust thee for future blessings. Together we pray to
thee, and beseech thee long to preserve to us, safe and triumphant, our
emperor Constantine and his pious sons." by his troops, and such the
prayer they were
instructed to offer up to God.
CHAPTER XXI.
He orders the Sign of the Saviour's Cross to be engraven on his
Soldiers' Shields.
AND not only so, but he also caused the sign
of the salutary trophy to be impressed on the very shields of his
soldiers; and commanded that his embattled forces should be preceded in
their march, not by golden images, as heretofore, (1) but only by the
standard of the cross.
CHAPTER XXII.
Of his Zeal in Prayer, and the Honor he paid
to the Feast of Easter.
THE emperor himself, as a sharer in the holy
mysteries of our religion, would seclude himself daily at a stated hour
in the innermost chambers of his palace; and there in solitary converse
with his God, would kneel in humble supplication, and entreat the
blessings of which he stood in need. But especially at the salutary
feast of Easter, his religious diligence was redoubled; he
fulfilled as it were the duties of a hierophant with every energy of his
mind and body, and outvied all others in the zealous celebration of
this feast. He changed, too, the holy night vigil into a brightness like
that of day, by causing waxen tapers of great length to be lighted
throughout the city: besides which, torches everywhere diffused their
light, so as to impart to this mystic vigil a brilliant splendor beyond
that of day. (1) As soon as day itself returned, in imitation of our
Saviour's gracious acts, he opened a liberal hand to his subjects of
every nation, province, and people, and lavished abundant bounties on
all.
CHAPTER XXIII.
How he forbade Idolatrous Worship, but honored Martyrs and the Church
Festivals.
SUCH were his sacred ministrations in the service of
his God. At the same time, his subjects, both civil and military,
throughout the empire, found a barrier everywhere opposed against idol
worship, and every kind of sacrifice forbidden. (1) A statute was also
passed, enjoining the due observance of the Lord's day, and transmitted
to the governors of every province, who undertook, at the emperors
command, to respect the days commemorative of martyrs, and duly to
emperors entire satisfaction.
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CHAPTER XXIV.
That he described himself to be a Bishop, in Charge of Affairs External
to the Church.
HENCE it was not without reason that once, on the
occasion of his entertaining a company of bishops, he let fall the
expression, "that he himself too was a bishop," addressing them in my
heating in the following words: "You are bishops whose jurisdiction is
within the Church: I also am a bishop, ordained by God to overlook
whatever is external to the Church." (1) And
copal care, and exhorted them as far as in him lay to follow a godly
life.
CHAPTER XXV.
Prohibition of Sacrifices, of Mystic Rites,
Combats of Gladiators, also the Licentious Worship of the Nile.
CONSISTENTLY with this zeal he issued successive
laws and ordinances, forbidding any to offer sacrifice to idols, to
consult diviners, to erect images, or to pollute the cities with the
sanguinary combats of gladiators. (1) And inasmuch as the Egyptians,
especially those of Alexandria, had been accustomed to honor their river
through a priesthood composed of effeminate men, a further law was
passed commanding the extermination of the whole class as vicious, that
no one might thenceforward be found tainted with the like impurity. And
whereas the superstitious inhabitants apprehended that the river would
in consequence withhold its customary flood, God himself showed his
approval of the emperor's law by ordering all things in a manner quite
contrary to their expectation. For those who had defiled the cities by
their vicious conduct were indeed seen no more; but the river, as if
the country through
rose higher than ever before,
overflowed the country with its fertilizing streams: thus effectually
admonishing the deluded people to turn from impure men, and ascribe
their prosperity to him alone who is the Giver of all good.
CHAPTER XXVI.
Amendment of the Law in Force respecting
Childless Persons, and of the Law of Wills.
So numerous, indeed, were the benefits of this kind
conferred by the emperor on every province, as to afford ample materials
to any who might desire to record them. Among these may be instanced
those laws which he entirely remodelled, and established on a more
equitable basis: the nature of which reform may be briefly and easily
explained. The childless were punished under the old law with the
forfeiture of their hereditary property a merciless stature, which
dealt with them as positive criminals. The emperor annulled this, and
decreed that those so circumstanced should inherit. He regulated the
question on the principles of equity and justice, arguing willful
transgressors should be chastised with the penalties their crimes
deserve. But nature herself denies children to many, who long, perhaps,
for a numerous offspring, but are disappointed of their hope by bodily
infirmity. Others continue childless, not from any dislike of posterity,
but because their ardent love of philosophy (1) renders them averse to
the conjugal union. Women, too, consecrated to the service of God, have
maintained a pure and spotless virginity, and have devoted themselves,
soul and body to a life of entire chastity and holiness. What then?
Should this conduct be deemed worthy of punishment, or rather of
admiration and praise; since to desire this state is in itself
honorable, and to maintain it surpasses the power of unassisted nature?
Surely those whose bodily infirmity destroys their hope of offspring
are worthy of pity, not of punishment: and he who devotes himself to a
higher object calls not for chastisement, but especial admiration. On
such
regard to the wills of dying persons, the old laws had ordained that
they should be expressed, even at the latest breath, as it were, in
certain definite words, and had prescribed the exact form and terms to
be employed. This practice had occasioned many fraudulent attempts to
hinder the intentions of the deceased from
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being carried into full effect. As soon as our emperor was aware of
these abuses, he reformed this law likewise, declaring that a dying man
ought to be permitted to indicate his last wishes in as few words as
possible, and in whatever terms he pleased; and to set forth his will in
any written form; or even by word of mouth, provided it were done in
the presence of proper witnesses, who might be competent faithfully to
discharge their trust.
CHAPTER XXVII.
Among Other Enactments, he decrees that no
Christian shall slave to a Jew, and affirms the Validity of the
Decisions of Councils.
HE also passed a law to the effect that no Christian
should remain in servitude to a Jewish
master, on the ground that it could not be right that those whom the
Saviour had ransomed should be subjected to the yoke of slavery by a
people who had slain the prophets and the Lord himself. If any were
found hereafter in these circumstances, the slave was to be set at
liberty, and the master punished by a fine.
He likewise added the sanction of his authority to
the decisions of bishops passed at their synods, and forbade the
provincial governors to annul any of their decrees: for he rated the
priests of God at a higher value than any judge whatever. These and a
thousand similar provisions did he enact for the benefit of his
subjects; but there is not time now to give a special description of
them, such as might convey an accurate idea of his imperial wisdom in
these respects: nor need I now relate at length, how, as a devoted
servant of the Supreme God, he employed himself from morning until night
in seeking objects for his beneficence, and how equally and universally
kind he was to all.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
His Gifts to the Churches, and Bounties to
Virgins and to the Poor.
His liberality, however, was most especially
exercised on behalf of the churches of God. In some cases he granted
lands, in others he issued supplies of food for the support of the poor,
of orphan children, and widows; besides which, he evinced much care and
forethought in fully providing the naked and destitute with clothing.
He distinguished, however, with most special honor those who had
devoted their lives to the practice of Divine philosophy. Hence his
respect, little short of veneration, for God's most holy and ever virgin
choir: for he felt assured that the God to whom such persons devoted
themselves was himself an inmate of their souls.
CHAPTER XXIX.
Of
Constantine's Discourses and Declamations. (1)
FOR himself, he sometimes passed sleepless nights in
furnishing his mind with Divine knowledge: and much of his time was
spent in composing discourses, many of which he delivered in public; for
he conceived it to be incumbent on him to govern his subjects by
appealing to their reason, and to secure in all respects a rational
obedience to his authority. Hence he would sometimes himself evoke an
assembly, on which occasions vast multitudes attended, in the hope of
hearing an emperor sustain the part of a philosopher. And if in the
course of his speech any occasion offered of touching on sacred topics,
he immediately stood erect, and with a grave aspect and subdued tone of
voice seemed reverently to be initiating his auditors in the mysteries
of the Divine doctrine: and when they greeted him with shouts of
acclamation, he would direct them by his gestures to raise their eyes to
heaven, and reserve their admiration for the Supreme King alone, and
honor him with adoration and praise. He
usually divided the subjects of his address, first thoroughly exposing
the error of polytheism, and proving the superstition of the Gentiles to
be mere fraud, and a cloak for impiety. He then would assert the sole
sovereignty of God: passing thence to his Providence, both general and
particular. Proceeding next to the dispensation of salvation, he would
demonstrate its necessity, and adaptation to the nature of the case;
entering next in order on the doctrine of the Divine judgment. (2) And
here especially he appealed most powerfully to the consciences of his
hearers, while he denounced the rapacious and violent, and those who
were slaves to an inordinate thirst of gain. Nay, he caused some of his
own acquaintance who were present to feel the severe lash of his words,
and to stand with downcast eyes in the consciousness of guilt, while he
testified against them in the clearest and most impressive terms that
they would have an account to render of their deeds to God. He reminded
them that God himself had given him the empire of the world, portions
of which he himself, acting on the same Divine principle, had intrusted
to their government; but that all would in due time be alike summoned
to give account of their actions to the Supreme Sovereign of all. Such
was his constant testimony;
548
such his admonition and instruction. And he himself both felt and
uttered these sentiments in the genuine confidence of faith: but-his
hearers were little disposed to learn, and deaf to sound advice;
receiving his words indeed with loud applause, but induced by insatiable
cupidity practically to disregard them.
CHAPTER XXX.
That he marked out before a Covetous Man the
Measure of a Grave, and so put him to Shame.
ON one occasion he thus personally addressed one of
his courtiers: "How far, my friend, are we to carry our inordinate
desires?" Then drawing the dimensions of a human figure with a lance
which he happened to have in his hand, he continued: "Though thou
couldst obtain the whole wealth of this world, yea, the whole world
itself, thou wilt carry with thee at last no more than this little spot
which I have marked out, if indeed even that be thine." (1) Such were
the words and actions of this blessed prince; and though at the time he
failed to reclaim any from their evil ways, yet notwithstanding the
course of events afforded evident proof that his admonitions were more
like Divine prophecies than mere words.
CHAPTER XXXI.
That he was derided because of his EXcessive
Clemency. (1)
MEANTIME, since there was no fear of capital
punishment to deter from the commission of crime, for the emperor
himself was uniformly inclined to clemency, and none of the provincial
governors visited offenses with their proper penalties, this state of
things drew with it no small degree of blame on the general
administration of the empire; whether justly or not, let every one form
his own judgment: for myself, I only ask permission to record the fact.
CHAPTER XXXII.
Of Constantine's Oration which he wrote to the
Assembly of the Saints. (1)
THE emperor was in the habit of composing his
orations in the Latin tongue, from which they were translated into Greek
by interpreters appointed for this special service. One of the
discourses thus translated I intend to annex, by way of specimen, to
this present work, that one, I mean, which he inscribed "To the assembly
of the saints," and dedicated to the Church of God, that no one may
have ground for deeming my testimony on this head mere empty praise.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
How he listened standing to Eusebius'
Declamation in Honor of our Saviour's Sepulchre.
ONE act, however, I must by no means omit to record,
which this admirable prince performed in my own presence. On one
occasion, emboldened by the confident assurance I entertained of his
piety, I had begged permission to pronounce a discourse on the subject
of our Saviour's sepulchre in his hearing. With this request he most
readily complied, and in the midst of a large number of auditors, in the
interior of the palace itself, he stood and listened with the rest. I
entreated him, but in vain, to seat himself on the imperial throne
which stood near: he continued with fixed attention to
weigh the topics of my discourse, and gave his own testimony to the
truth of the theological doctrines it contained. After some time had
passed, the oration being of considerable length, I was myself desirous
of concluding; but this he would not permit, and exhorted me to proceed
to the very end. On my again entreating him to sit, he in his turn was
displeased and said that it was not right to listen in a careless manner
to the discussion of doctrines relating to God; and again, that this
posture was good and profitable to himself, since it was reverent to
stand while listening to sacred truths. Having, therefore, concluded my
discourse, I returned home, and resumed my usual occupations.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
That he wrote to Eusebius respecting Easter, and respecting Copies of
the Holy Scriptures.
EVER careful for the welfare of the churches of God,
the emperor addressed me personally in a letter on the means of
providing copies of the inspired oracles, and also on the subject of the
most holy feast of Easter. For I had myself dedicated to him an
exposition of the mystical import of that feast; and the manner in which
he honored me with a reply may be understood by any one who reads the
following letter.
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CHAPTER XXXV.
Constantine's Letter to Eusebius, in praise of
his Discourse concerning Easter.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It is indeed an arduous task, and beyond the power
of language itself, worthily to treat of the mysteries of Christ, and to
explain in a fitting manner the controversy respecting the feast of
Easter, its origin as well as its precious and toilsome accomplishment.
(1) For it is not in the power even of those who are able to apprehend
them, adequately to describe the things of God. I am, notwithstanding,
filled with admiration of your learning and zeal, and have not only
myself read your work with pleasure, but have given directions,
according to your own desire, that it be communicated to many sincere
followers of our holy religion. Seeing, then, with what pleasure we
receive favors of this kind from your Sagacity, be pleased to gladden us
more frequently with those compositions, to the practice of which,
indeed, you confess yourself to have been trained from an early period,
so that I am urging a willing man, as they say, in exhorting you to your
customary pursuits. And certainly the high and confident judgment we
entertain is a proof that the person who has translated your writings
into the Latin tongue
is in no respect incompetent to the task, impossible though it be that
such version should fully equal the excellence of the works themselves.
God preserve you, beloved brother." Such was his letter on this subject:
and that which related to the providing of copies of the Scriptures for
reading in the churches was to the following purport.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Constantine' s Letter to Eusebius on the Prepara-
tion of Copies of the Holy Scriptures.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to Eusebius.
"It happens, through the favoring providence of God
our Saviour, that great numbers have united themselves to the most holy
church in the city which is called by my name. It seems, therefore,
highly requisite, since that city is rapidly advancing in prosperity in
all other respects, that the number of churches should also he
increased. Do you, therefore, receive with all readiness my
determination on this behalf. I have thought it expedient to instruct
your Prudence to order fifty copies of the sacred Scriptures, the
provision and use of which you know to be most needful for the
instruction of the Church, to be written on prepared parchment in a
legible manner, and in a convenient, portable form, by professional
transcribers thoroughly practiced in their art. (1) The catholicus (2)
of the diocese has also received instructions by letter from our
Clemency to be careful to furnish all things necessary for the
preparation of such copies; and it will be for you to take special care
that they be completed with as little delay as possible. (3) You have
authority also, in virtue of this letter, to use two of the public
carriages for their conveyance, by which arrangement the copies when
fairly written will most easily be forwarded for my personal inspection;
and one of the deacons of your church may be intrusted with this
service, who, on his arrival here, shall experience my liberality. God
preserve you, beloved brother!"
CHAPTER XXXVII.
How the Copies were provided.
SUCH were the emperor's commands, which were
followed by the immediate execution of the work itself, which we sent
him in magnificent and elaborately bound volumes of a threefold and
fourfold form. (1) This fact is attested by another letter, which the
emperor wrote in acknowledgment, in which, having heard that the city
Constantia in our country, the inhabitants of which had been more than
commonly devoted to superstition, had been impelled by a sense of
religion to abandon their past idolatry, he testified his joy, and
approval of their conduct.
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CHAPTER XXXVIII.
How the Market-town of Gaza was made a City
far its Profession of Christianity, and received the Name of Constantia.
FOR in fact the place now called Constantia, in the
province of Palestine, having embraced the saving religion, was
distinguished both by the favor of God, and by special honor from the
emperor, being now for the first time raised to the rank of a city, and
receiving the more honored name of his pious sister in exchange for its
former appellation.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
That a Place in Phoenicia also was made a
City, and in Other Cities Idolatry was abolished, and Churches built.
A SIMILAR change was effected in several other
cities; for instance, in that town of Phoenicia which received its name
from that of the emperor, and the inhabitants of which committed their
innumerable idols to the flames, and adopted in their stead the
principles of the saving faith. Numbers, too, in the other provinces,
both in the cities and the country, became willing inquirers after the
saving knowledge of God; destroyed as worthless things the images of
every kind which they had heretofore held most sacred; voluntarily
demolished the lofty temples and shrines which contained them; and,
renouncing their former sentiments, or rather errors, commenced and
completed entirely new churches. But since it is not so much my province
to give a circumstantial detail of the actions of this pious prince, as
it is theirs who have been privileged to enjoy his society at all
times, I shall content myself with briefly recording such facts as have
come to my own personal knowledge, before I proceed to notice the last
days of his life.
CHAPTER XL.
That having conferred the Dignity of Caesars
on his Three Sans at the Three Decennial Periods of his Reign, he
dedicated the Church at
Jerusalem.
By this time the thirtieth year of his reign was
completed. In the course of this period, his three sons had been
admitted at different times as his colleagues in the empire. The first,
Constantinus, who bore his father's name, obtained this distinction
about the tenth year of his reign. Constantius, the second son, so
called from his grandfather, was proclaimed Caesar about the twentieth,
while Constans, the third, whose name expresses the firmness and
stability of his character, was advanced to the same dignity at the
thirtieth anniversary of his father's reign. (1) Having thus reared a
threefold offspring, a Trinity, (2) as it were, of pious sons, and
having received them severally at each decennial period to a
participation in his imperial authority, he judged the festival of his
Tricennalia to be a fit occasion for thanksgiving to the Sovereign Lord
of all, at the same time believing that the dedication of the church
which his zealous magnificence had erected at Jerusalem might
advantageously be performed.
CHAPTER XLI.
That in the meantime he ordered a Council to
be convened at Tyre, because of Controversies raised in Egypt.
MEANWHILE that spirit of envy which is the enemy of
all good, like a dark cloud intercepting the sun's brightest rays,
endeavored to mar the joy of this festivity, by again raising
contentions to disturb the tranquillity of the Egyptian churches. Our
divinely favored emperor, however, once more convened a synod composed
of many bishops, and set them as it were in armed array, like the host
of God, against this malignant spirit, having commanded their presence
from the whole of Egypt and Libya, from Asia, and from Europe, in order,
first, to decide the questions in dispute, and afterwards to perform
the dedication of the sacred edifice above mentioned. He enjoined them,
by the way, to adjust their differences at the capital city of
Phoenicia, reminding them that they had no right, while harboring
feelings of mutual animosity, to engage in the service of God, since
his law expressly forbids those who are at variance to offer their gift
until they have first become reconciled and mutually disposed to peace.
Such were the salutary precepts which the emperor continually kept
vividly before his own mind, and in accordance with which he admonished
them to undertake their present duties in a spirit of perfect unanimity
and concord, in a letter to the following purport.
CHAPTER XLII.
Constantine's Letter to the Council at Tyre.
"VICTOR CONSTANTINUS, MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS,
to the holy Council at Tyre.
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"Surely it would best consist with and best become
the prosperity of these our times, that the Catholic Church should be
undivided, and the servants of Christ be at this present moment clear
from all reproach. Since, however, there are those who, carried away by
a baleful and furious spirit of contention (for I will not charge them
with intentionally leading a life unworthy of their profession), are
endeavoring to create that general confusion which, in my judgment, is
the most pernicious of all evils; I exhort you, forward as you already
are, to meet together and form a synod without delay: to defend those
who need protection; to administer remedies to your brethren who are in
peril; to recall the divided members to unity of judgment; to rectify
errors while opportunity is yet allowed: that thus you may restore to so
many provinces that due measure of concord which, strange and sad
anomaly! the arrogance of a few individuals has destroyed. And I
believed that all are alike persuaded that this course is at the same
time pleasing to Almighty God (as well as the highest object of my own
desires), and will bring no small honor to yourselves, should you be
successful in restoring peace. Delay not, then, but hasten with
redoubled zeal to terminate the present dissensions in a manner becoming
the occasion, by assembling together in that spirit of true sincerity
and faith which the Saviour whom we serve especially demands from us, I
may almost say with an audible voice, on all occasions. No proof of
pious zeal on my part shall be wanting. Already have I done all to
which my attention was directed by your letters. I have sent to those
bishops whose presence you desired, that they may share your counsels.
I have despatched Dionysius, a man of consular rank, who will both
remind those prelates of their duty who are bound to attend the Council
with you, and will himself be there to superintend the proceedings, but
especially to maintain good order. Meantime should any one, though I
deem it most improbable, venture on this occasion to violate my
command, and refuse his attendance, a messenger shall be despatched
forthwith to banish that person in virtue of an imperial edict, and to
teach him that it does not become him to resist an emperor's decrees
when issued in defense of truth. For the rest, it will be for your
Holinesses, unbiased either by enmity or favor, but consistently with
ecclesiastical and apostolic order, to devise a fitting remedy whether
it be for positive offenses or for unpremeditated errors; in order that
you may at once free the Church from all reproach, relieve my anxiety,
and, by restoring the blessings of peace to those who are now divided,
procure the highest honor for yourselves. God preserve you, beloved
brethren!" (1)
CHAPTER XLIII.
Bishops from all the Provinces attended the Dedication of the Church at
Jerusalem.
No sooner had these injunctions been carded into
effect, than another emissary arrived with despatches from the emperor,
and an urgent admonition to the Council to hasten their journey to
Jerusalem without delay. (1) Accordingly they all took their departure
from the province of Phoenicia, and proceeded to their destination,
availing themselves of the public means of transport. Thus Jerusalem
became the gathering point for distinguished prelates from every
province, and the whole city was thronged by a vast assemblage of the
servants of God. The Macedonians had sent the bishop of their
metropolis; (2) the Pannonians and Moesians the fairest of God's
youthful flock among them. A holy prelate from Persia too was there,
deeply versed in the sacred oracles; while Bithynian and Thracian
bishops graced the Council with their presence; nor were the most
illustrious from Cilicia wanting, nor the chief of the Cappadocians,
distinguished above all for learning and eloquence. In short, the whole
of Syria and Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and Arabia, Palestine, Egypt, and
Libya, with the dwellers in the Thebaid, all contributed to swell the
mighty concourse of God's ministers, followed as they were by vast
numbers from every province. They were attended by an imperial escort,
(3) and officers of trust had also been sent from the palace itself,
with instructions to heighten the splendor of the festival at the
emperor's expense.
CHAPTER XLIV.
Of their Reception by the Notary Marianus;
the Distribution of Money to the Poor; and Offerings to the Church.
THE director and chief of these officers was a most
useful servant of the emperor, a man eminent for faith and piety, and
thoroughly acquainted with the Divine word, who had been honorably
conspicuous by his profession of godliness during the time of the
tyrants' power, and therefore was deservedly entrusted with the
arrangement of the present proceedings. Accordingly, in faithful
obedience to the emperor's commands, he received the assembly with
courteous hospitality, and entertained them with
552
feasts and banquets on a scale of great splendor. He also distributed
lavish supplies of money and clothing among the naked and destitute, and
the multitudes of both sexes who suffered from want of food and the
common necessaries of life. Finally, he enriched and beautified the
church itself throughout with offerings of imperial magnificence, and
thus fully accomplished the service he had been commissioned to perform.
CHAPTER XLV.
Various Discourses by the Assembled Bishops; ala by Eusebius, the
Writer of this History.
MEANTIME the festival derived additional luster both
from the prayers and discourses of the ministers of God, some of whom
extolled the pious emperor's willing devotion to the Saviour of mankind,
and dilated on the magnificence of the edifice which he had raised to
his memory. Others afforded, as it were, an intellectual feast to the
ears of all present, by public disquisitions on the sacred doctrines of
our religion. Others interpreted passages of holy Scripture, and
unfolded their hidden meaning; while such as were unequal to these
efforts presented a bloodless sacrifice and mystical service to God in
the prayers which they offered for general peace, for the Church of
God, for the emperor himself as the instrumental cause of so many
blessings, and
for his pious sons. I myself too, unworthy as I was of such a
privilege, pronounced various public orations in honor of this
solemnity, wherein I partly explained by a written description the
details of the imperial edifice, and partly endeavored to gather from
the prophetic visions apt illustrations of the symbols it displayed. (1)
Thus joyfully was the festival of dedication celebrated in the
thirtieth year of our emperor's reign.
CHAPTER XLVI.
That Eusebius afterwards delivered his Descrip-
tion of the Church of the Saviour, and a Tri-
cennial Oration before Constantine himself.
THE structure of the church of our Saviour, the form
of his sacred cave, the splendor of the work itself, and the numberless
offerings in gold, and silver, and precious stones, I have described to
the best of my ability, and dedicated to the emperor in a separate
treatise, which on a fitting opportunity I shall append to this present
work. I shall add to it also that oration on his Tricennalia which
shortly afterwards, having traveled to the city which bears his name, I
delivered in the emperor's own presence. (1) This was the second
opportunity afforded me of glorifying the Supreme God in the imperial
palace itself: and on this occasion my pious hearer evinced the greatest
joy, as he afterwards testified, when he entertained the bishops then
present, and loaded them with distinctions of every kind.
CHAFFER XLVII.
That the Council at Nicaea was held in the
Twentieth, the Dedication of the Church at Jerusalem in the Thirtieth,
Year of Constantine's Reign.
THIS second synod the emperor convened at Jerusalem,
being the greatest of which we have any knowledge, next to the first
which he had summoned at the famous Bithynian city. That indeed was a
triumphal assembly, held in the twentieth year of his reign, an occasion
of thanksgiving for victory over his enemies in the very city which
bears the name of victory. (1) The present meeting added luster to the
thirtieth anniversary, during which the emperor dedicated the church at
the sepulchre of our Saviour, as a peace-offering to God, the giver of
all good.
CHAFFER XLVIII.
That Constantine was displeased with one who
praised him excessively.
AND now that all these ceremonies were completed,
and the divine qualities of the emperor's character continued to be the
theme of universal praise, one of God's ministers presumed so far as in
his own presence to pronounce him blessed, as having been counted worthy
to hold absolute and universal empire in this life, and as being
destined to share the empire of the Son of God in the world to come.
These words, however, Constantine heard with indignation, and forbade
the speaker to hold such language, exhorting him rather to pray
earnestly on his behalf, that whether in this life or in that which is
to come, he might be found worthy to be a servant of God. (1)
553
CHAPTER XLIX.
Marriage of his Son Constantius Coesar.
ON the completion of the thirtieth year of his reign
he solemnized the marriage of his second son, (1) having concluded that
of his first-born long before. This was an occasion of great joy and
festivity, the emperor himself attending on his son at the ceremony, and
entertaining the guests of both sexes, the men and women in distinct
and separate companies, with sumptuous hospitality. Rich presents
likewise were liberally distributed among the cities and people.
CHAPTER L.
Embassy and Presents from the Indians.
ABOUT this time ambassadors from the Indians, who
inhabit the distant regions of the East, arrived with presents
consisting of many varieties of brilliant precious stones, and animals
differing in species from those known to us. These offerings they
presented to the emperor, thus allowing that his sovereignty extended
even to the Indian Ocean, and that the princes of their country, who
rendered homage to him both by paintings and statues, acknowledged his
imperial and paramount authority. Thus the Eastern Indians now submitted
to his sway, as the Britons of the Western Ocean had done at the
commencement of his reign.
CHAPTER LI.
That Constantine divided the Empire between
his Three Sons, whom he had instructed in Politics and Religion.
HAVING thus established his power in the opposite
extremities of the world, he divided the whole extent of his dominions,
as though he were allotting a patrimonial inheritance to the dearest
objects of his regard, among his three sons. To the eldest he assigned
his grandfather's portion; to the second, the empire of the East; to the
third, the countries which lie between these two divisions. (1) And
being desirous of furnishing his children with an inheritance truly
valuable and salutary to their souls, he had been careful to imbue them
with true religious principles, being himself their guide to the
knowledge of sacred things, and also appointing men of approved piety to
be their instructors. At the same time he assigned them the most
accomplished teachers of secular learning, by some of whom they were
taught the arts of war, while they were trained by others in political,
and by others again in legal science. To each moreover was granted a
truly royal retinue, consisting of infantry, spearmen, and body guards,
with every other kind of military force; commanded respectively by
captains, tribunes, and generals (2) of whose warlike skill and devotion
to his sons the emperor had had previous experience.
CHAPTER LII.
That after they had reached Man's Estate he
was their Guide in Piety.
As long as the Caesars were of tender years, they
were aided by suitable advisers in the management of public affairs; but
on their arrival at the age of manhood their father's instructions
alone sufficed. When present he proposed to them his own example, and
admonished them to follow his pious course: in their absence he
furnished them by letter with rules of conduct suited to their imperial
station, the first and greatest of which was an exhortation to value the
knowledge and worship of the Sovereign Lord of all more than wealth,
nay, more than empire itself. At length he permitted them to direct the
public administration of the empire without control, making it his
first request that they would care for the interests of the Church of
God, and boldly profess themselves disciples of Christ. Thus trained,
and excited to obedience not so much by precept as by their own
voluntary desire for virtue, his sons more than fulfilled the
admonitions of their father, devoting their earnest attention to the
service of God, and observing the ordinances of the Church even in the
palace itself, with all the members of their households. (1) For their
father's forethought had provided that all the attendants of his son's
should be Christians. And not only so, but the military officers of
highest rank, and those who had the control of public business, were
professors of the same faith: for the emperor placed confidence in the
fidelity of men devoted to the service of God, as in a strong and sure
defense. When our thrice blessed prince had completed these
arrangements, and thus secured order and tranquillity throughout the
empire, God, the dispenser of all blessings, judged it to be the fitting
554
time to translate him to a better inheritance, and summoned him to pay
the debt of nature.
CHAPTER LIII.
Having reigned about Thirty-two Years, and lived above Sixty, he still
had a Sound Body.
HE completed the time of his reign in two and thirty
years, wanting a few months and days, (1) and his whole life extended to
about twice that period. At this age he still possessed a sound and
vigorous body, free from all blemish, and of more than youthful
vivacity; a noble mien, and strength equal to any exertion; so that he
was able to join in martial exercises, to fide, endure the fatigues of
travel, engage in battle, and erect trophies over his conquered enemies,
besides gaining those bloodless victories by which he was wont to
triumph over those who opposed him. (2)
CHAffER LIV.
Of those who abused his Extreme Benevolence
for Avarice and Hypocrisy.
IN like manner his mental (1) qualities reached the
highest point of human perfection. Indeed he was distinguished by every
excellence of character, but especially by benevolence; a virtue,
however, which subjected him to censure from many, in consequence of the
baseness of wicked men, who ascribed their own crimes to the emperor's
forbearance. In truth I can myself bear testimony to the grievous evils
which prevailed during these times; I mean the violence of rapacious
and unprincipled men, who preyed on all classes of society alike, and
the scandalous hypocrisy of those who crept into the Church, and
assumed the name and character of Christians. His own benevolence and
goodness of heart, the genuineness of his own faith, and his
truthfulness of character, induced the emperor to credit the profession
of these reputed Christians, who craftily preserved the semblance of
sincere affection for his person. The confidence he reposed in such men
sometimes forced him into conduct unworthy of himself, of which envy
took advantage to cloud in this respect the luster of his character. (2)
CHAPTER LV.
Constantine employed himself in Composition of Various Kinds to the
Close of his Life.
THESE offenders, however, were soon over-
taken by divine chastisement. To return to our emperor. He had so
thoroughly trained his mind in the art of reasoning that he continued to
the last to compose discourses on various subjects, to deliver frequent
orations in public, and to instruct his hearers in the sacred doctrines
of religion. He was also habitually engaged in legislating both on
political and military questions; (1) in short, in devising whatever
might be conducive to the general welfare of the human race. It is well
worthy of remark, that, very shortly before his departure, he
pronounced a funeral oration before his usual auditory, in which he
spoke at length on the immortality of the soul, the state of those who
had persevered in a life of godliness, and the blessings which God has
laid up in store for them that love him. On the other hand he made it
appear by copious and conclusive arguments what the end of those will be
who have pursued a contrary career, describing in vivid language the
final ruin of the ungodly. His powerful testimony on these subjects
seemed so far to touch the consciences of those around him, that one of
the self-imagined philosophers, of whom he asked his opinion of what he
had heard, bore testimony to the truth of his words, and accorded a
real, though reluctant, tribute of praise to the arguments by which he
had exposed the worship of a plurality of gods. By converse such as this
with his friends before his death, the emperor seemed as it were to
smooth and prepare the way for his transition to a happier life.
CHAPTER LVI.
How he took Bishops with him on an Expedition
against the Persians, and look with him a Tent in the Form of a Church.
IT is also worthy of record that about the time of
which I am at present writing, the emperor, having heard of an
insurrection of some barbarians in the East, observed that the conquest
of this enemy was still in store for him, and resolved on an expedition
against the Persians. Accordingly he proceeded at once to put his forces
in motion, at the same time communicating his intended march to the
bishops who happened to be at his court, some of whom he judged it
right to take with him as compan-
555
ions, and as needful coadjutors in the service of God. They, on the
other hand, cheerfully declared their willingness to follow in his
train, disclaiming any desire to leave him, and engaging to battle with
and for him by supplication to God on his behalf. Full of joy at this
answer to his request, he unfolded to them his projected line of march;
(1) after which he caused a tent of great splendor, representing in
shape the figure of a church, to be prepared for his own use in the
approaching war. In this he intended to unite with the bishops in
offering prayers to the God from whom all victory proceeds.
CHAPTER LVII.
How he received an Embassy from the Persians
and kept the Night Vigil with others at the Feast of Easter.
IN the meanwhile the Persians, hearing of the
emperor's warlike preparations, and not a little terrified at the
prospect of an engagement with his forces, dispatched an embassy to pray
for conditions of peace. These overtures the emperor, himself a sincere
lover of peace, at once accepted, and readily entered on friendly
relations with that people. At this time, the great festival of Easter
was at hand; on which occasion he rendered the tribute of his prayers
to God, and passed the night in watching with the rest.
CHAPTER LVIII.
Concerning the Building of a Church in Honor of the Apostles at
Constantinople.
AFTER this he proceeded to erect a church in memory
of the apostles, in the city which bears his name. This building he
carried to a vast height, and brilliantly decorated by encasing it from
the foundation to the roof with marble slabs of various colors. He also
formed the inner roof of finely fretted work, and overlaid it throughout
with gold. The external covering, which protected the building from the
rain, was of brass instead of tiles; and this too was splendidly and
profusely adorned with gold, and reflected the sun's rays with a
brilliancy which dazzled the distant beholder. The dome was entirely
encompassed by a finely carved tracery, wrought in brass and gold.
CHAPTER LIX.
Farther Description of the same Church.
SUCH was the magnificence with which the emperor was
pleased to beautify this church.
The building was surrounded by an open area of great extent, the four
sides of which were terminated by porticos which enclosed the area and
the church itself. Adjoining these porticos were ranges of stately
chambers, with baths and promenades, and besides many apartments adapted
to the use of those who had charge of the place.
CHAPTER LX.
He also erected his own Sepulchral Monument
in this Church.
ALL these edifices the emperor consecrated with the
desire of perpetuating the memory of the apostles of our Saviour. He
had, however, another object in erecting this building: an object at
first unknown, but which afterwards became evident to all. He had in
fact made choice of this spot in the prospect of his own death,
anticipating with extraordinary fervor of faith that his body would
share their title with the apostles themselves, and that he should thus
even after death become the subject, with them, of the devotions which
should be performed to their honor in this place. He accordingly caused
twelve coffins to be set up in this church, like sacred pillars in honor
and memory of the apostolic number, in the center of which his own was
placed, having six of theirs on either side of it. Thus, as I said, he
had provided with prudent foresight an honorable resting-place for his
body after death, and, having long before secretly formed this
resolution, he now consecrated this church to the apostles, believing
that this tribute to their memory would be of no small advantage to his
own soul. Nor did God disappoint him of that which he so ardently
expected and desired. For after he had completed the first services of
the feast of Easter, and had passed this sacred day of our Lord in a
manner which made it an occasion of joy and gladness to himself and to
all; the God through whose aid he performed all these acts, and whose
zealous servant he continued to be even to the end of life, was pleased
at a happy time to translate him to a better life.
CHAPTER LXI.
His
Sickness at Helenopolis, and Prayers respect-
ing his Baptism.
AT first he experienced some slight bodily
indisposition, which was soon followed by positive disease. In
consequence of this he visited the hot baths of his own city; and thence
proceeded to that which bore the name of his mother. Here he passed
some time in the church of the
556
martyrs, and offered up supplications and prayers to God. Being at
length convinced that his life was drawing to a close, he felt the time
was come at which he should seek purification from sins of his past
career, firmly believing that whatever errors he had committed as a
mortal man, his soul would be purified from them through the efficacy of
the mystical words and the salutary waters of baptism. (1) Impressed
with these thoughts, he poured forth his supplications and confessions
to God, kneeling on the pavement in the church itself, in which he also
now for the first time received the imposition of hands with prayer. (2)
After this he proceeded as far as the suburbs of Nicomedia, and there,
having summoned the bishops to meet him, addressed them in the
following words.
CHAPTER LXII.
Constantine's Appeal to the Bishops, requesting them to confer upon him
the Rite of Baptism.
"THE time is arrived which I have long hoped for,
with an earnest desire and prayer that I might obtain the salvation of
God. The hour is come in which I too may have the blessing of that seal
which confers immortality; the hour in which I may receive the seal of
salvation. I had thought to do this in the waters of the river Jordan,
wherein our Saviour, for our example, is recorded to have been baptized:
but God, who knows what is expedient for us, is pleased that I should
receive this blessing here. Be it so, then, without delay: (1) for
should it be his will who is Lord of life and death, that my existence
here should be prolonged, and should I be destined henceforth to
associate with the people of God, and unite with them in prayer as a
member of his. Church, I will prescribe to myself from this time such a
course of life as befits his service." After he had thus spoken, the
prelates performed the sacred ceremonies in the usual manner, and,
having given him the necessary instructions, made him a partaker of the
mystic ordinance. Thus was Constantine the first of all sovereigns who
was regenerated and perfected in a church dedicated to the martyrs of
Christ; thus gifted with the Divine seal of baptism, he rejoiced in
spirit, was renewed, and filled with heavenly light: his soul was
gladdened by reason of the fervency of his faith, and astonished at the
manifestation of the power of God. At the conclusion of the ceremony he
arrayed himself in shining imperial vestments, brilliant as the light,
(2) and reclined on a couch of the purest white, refusing to clothe
himself with the purple any more.
CHAPTER LXIII.
How after his Baptism he rendered Thanks
God.
HE then lifted his voice and poured forth a strain
of thanksgiving to God; after which he added these words. "Now I know
that I am truly blessed: now I feel assured that I am accounted worthy
of immortality, and am made a partaker of Divine light." He further
expressed his compassion for the unhappy condition of those who were
strangers to such blessings as he enjoyed: and when the tribunes and
generals of his army appeared in his presence with lamentations and
tears at the prospect of their bereavement, and with prayers that his
days might yet be prolonged, he assured them in reply that he was now in
possession of true life; that none but himself could know the value of
the blessings he had received; so that he was anxious rather to hasten
than to defer his departure to God. He then proceeded to complete the
needful arrangement of his affairs, bequeathing an annual donation to
the Roman inhabitants of his imperial city; apportioning the
inheritance of the empire, like a patrimonial estate, among his own
children; in short, making every disposition according to his own
pleasure. (1)
557
CHAFFER LXIV.
Constantinople's Death at Noon on the Feast of
Pentecost.
ALL these events occurred during a most important
festival, I mean the august and holy solemnity of Pentecost, which is
distinguished by a period of seven weeks, and sealed with that one day
on which the holy Scriptures attest, the ascension of our common Saviour
into heaven, and the descent of the Holy Spirit among men. In the
course of this feast the emperor received the privileges I have
described; and on the last day of all, which one might justly call the
feast of feasts, he was removed about mid-day to the presence of his
God, leaving his mortal remains to his fellow mortals, and carrying into
fellowship with God that part of his being which was capable of
understanding and loving him. (1) Such was the close of Constantine's
mortal life. Let us now attend to the circumstances which followed this
event.
CHAPTER LXV.
Lamentations of the Soldiery and their Officers.
IMMEDIATELY the assembled spearmen and body-guard
rent their garments, and prostrated themselves on the ground, striking
their heads, and uttering lamentations and cries of sorrow, calling on
their imperial lord and master, or rather, like true children, on their
father, while their tribunes and centurions addressed him as their
preserver, protector, and benefactor. The rest of the soldiery also came
in respectful order to mourn as a flock the removal of their good
shepherd. The people meanwhile ran wildly throughout the city, some
expressing the inward sorrow of their hearts by loud cries, others
appearing confounded with grief: each mourning the event as a calamity
which had befallen himself, and bewailing his death as though they felt
themselves bereft of a blessing common alike to all.
CHAPTER LXVI.
Removal of the Body from Nicomedia to the
Palace at Constantinople.
AFTER this the soldiers lifted the body from its
couch, and laid it in a golden coffin, which they enveloped in a
covering of purple, and removed to the city which was called by his own
name. Here it was placed in an elevated position in the principal
chamber of the imperial palace, and surrounded by candles burning in
candlesticks of gold, presenting a marvelous spectacle, and such as no
one under the light of the sun had ever seen on earth since the world
itself began. For in the central apartment of the imperial palace, the
body of the emperor lay in its elevated resting-place, arrayed in the
symbols of sovereignty, the diadem and purple robe, and encircled by a
numerous retinue of attendants, who watched around it incessantly night
and day.
CHAPTER LXVII.
He received the same Honors from the Counts and other Officers as
before his Death.
THE military officers, too, of the highest rank, the
counts, and the whole order of magistrates, who had been accustomed to
do obeisance to their emperor before, continued to fulfill this duty
without any change, even after his death entering the chamber at the
appointed times, and saluting their coffined sovereign with bended knee,
as though he were still alive. After them the senators appeared, and
all who had been distinguished by any honorable office, and rendered
the same homage. These were followed by multitudes of every rank, who
came with their wives and children to witness the spectacle. These
honors continued to be rendered for a considerable time, the soldiers
having resolved thus to guard the body until his sons should arrive,
and take on themselves the conduct of their father's funeral. No mortal
had ever, like this blessed prince, continued to reign even after
death, and to receive the same homage as during his life: he only, of
all who have ever lived, obtained this reward from God: a suitable
reward, since he alone of all sovereigns had in all his actions honored
the Supreme God and his Christ, and God himself accordingly was pleased
that even his mortal remains should still retain imperial authority
among men; thus indicating to all who were not utterly devoid of
understanding the immortal and endless empire which his soul was
destined to enjoy. This was the course of events here.
CHAPTER LXVIII.
Resolution of the Army to confer thence-forward the Title of Augustus
on his Sons.
MEANWHILE the tribunes selected from the troops
under their command those officers whose fidelity and zeal had long been
known to the emperor, and dispatched them to the Caesars
558
with intelligence of the late event. This service they accordingly
performed. As soon, however, as the soldiery throughout the provinces
received the tidings of the emperor's decease, they all, as if by a
supernatural impulse, resolved with one consent, as though their great
emperor had been yet alive, to acknowledge none other than his sons as
sovereigns of the Roman world: and these they soon after determined
should no longer retain the name of Caesar, but should each be honored
with the title of Augustus, a name which indicates the highest supremacy
of imperial power. Such were the measures adopted by the army; and
these resolutions they communicated to each other by letter, so that
the unanimous desire of the legions became known at the same point of
time throughout the whole extent of the empire.
CHAPTER LXIX.
Mourning for Constantine at Rome; and the
Honor paid him there through Paintings after his Death.
ON the arrival of the news of the emperor's death in
the imperial city, the Roman senate and people felt the announcement as
the heaviest and most afflictive of all calamities, and gave themselves
up to an excess of grief. The baths and markets were closed, the public
spectacles, and all other recreations in which men of leisure are
accustomed to indulge, were interrupted. Those who had erewhile lived in
luxurious ease, now walked the streets in gloomy sadness, while all
united in blessing the name of the deceased, as the one who was dear to
God, and truly worthy of the imperial dignity. Nor was their sorrow
expressed only in words: they proceeded also to honor him, by the
dedication of paintings to his memory, with the same respect as before
his death. The design of these pictures embodied a representation of
heaven itself, and depicted the emperor reposing in an ethereal mansion
above the celestial vault. They too declared his sons alone to be
emperors and Augusti, and begged with earnest entreaty that they might
be permitted to receive the body of their emperor, and perform his
obsequies in the imperial city.
CHAPTER LXX.
His Burial by his San Constantius at Con-
stantinople.
THUS did they there testify their respect for the
memory of him who had been honored by God. The second of his sons,
however, who had by this time arrived, proceeded to celebrate his
father's funeral in the city which bears his name, himself heading the
procession, which was preceded by detachments of soldiers in military
array, and followed by vast multitudes, the body itself being surrounded
by companies of spearmen and heavy armed infantry. On the arrival of
the procession at the church dedicated to the apostles of our Saviour,
the coffin was there entombed. Such honor did the youthful emperor
Constantius render to his deceased parent, both by his presence, and by
the due performance of this sacred ceremony.
CHAPTER LXXI.
Sacred Service in the Church of the Apostles an the Occasion of
Constantine's Funeral.
As soon as [Constantius] had withdrawn himself with
the military train, the ministers of God came forward, with the
multitude and the whole congregation of the faithful, and performed the
rites of Divine worship with prayer. At the same time the tribute of
their praises was given to the character of this blessed prince, whose
body rested on a lofty and conspicuous monument, and the whole multitude
united with the priests of God in offering prayers for his soul, not
without tears, -- nay, rather with much weeping; thus performing an
office consonant with the desires of the pious deceased. (1) In this
respect also the favor of God was manifested to his servant, in that he
not only bequeathed the succession of the empire to his own beloved
sons, but that the earthly tabernacle of his thrice blessed soul,
according to his own earnest wish, was permitted to share the monument
of the apostles; was associated with the honor of their name, and with
that of the people of God; was honored by the performance of the sacred
ordinances and mystic service; and enjoyed a participation in the
prayers of the saints. Thus, too, he continued to possess imperial
power even after death, controlling, as though with renovated life, a
universal dominion, and retaining in his own name, as Victor, Maximus,
Augustus, the sovereignty of the Roman world. (2)
CHAPTER LXXII. Of the Phoenix.
WE cannot compare him with that bird of Egypt, the
only one, as they say, of its kind, which dies,
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self-sacrificed, in the midst of aromatic perfumes, and, rising from
its own ashes with new life, soars aloft in the same form which it had
before. Rather did he resemble his Saviour, who, as the sown corn which
is multiplied from a single grain, had yielded abundant increase through
the blessing of God, and had overspread the whole world with his fruit.
Even so did our thrice blessed prince become multiplied, as it were,
through the succession of his sons. His statue was erected along with
theirs in every province; and the name of Constantine was owned and
honored even after the close of his mortal life.
CHAPTER LXXIII.
How Constantine is represented on Coins in the
Act of ascending to Heaven.
A COINAGE Was also struck which bore the following
device. On one side appeared the figure of our blessed prince, with the
head closely veiled: the reverse exhibited him sitting as a charioteer,
drawn by four horses, with a hand stretched downward from above to
receive him up to heaven.
CHAPTER LXXIV.
The God whom he had honored deservedly hon-
ored him in Return.
SUCH are the proofs by which the Supreme God has
made it manifest to us, in the person of Constantine, who alone of all
sovereigns had openly professed the Christian faith, how great a
difference he perceives between those whose privilege it is to worship
him and his Christ, and those who have chosen the contrary part, who
provoked his enmity by daring to assail his Church, and whose calamitous
end, in every instance, afforded tokens of his displeasure, as
manifestly as the death of Constantine conveyed to all men an evident
assurance of his Divine love.
CHAPTER LXXV.
He surpassed all Preceding Emperors in Devo-
tion to God.
STANDING, as he did, alone and pre-eminent among the
Roman emperors as a worshiper of God; alone as the bold proclaimer to
all men of the doctrine of Christ; having alone rendered honor, as none
before him had ever done, to his Church; having alone abolished utterly
the error of polytheism, and discountenanced idolatry in every form: so,
alone among them both during life and after death, was he accounted
worthy of such honors as none can say have been attained to by any
other; so that no one, whether Greek or Barbarian, nay, of the ancient
Romans themselves, has ever been presented to us as worthy of comparison
with him. (1)
THE ORATION
OF
THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE,
WHICH HE ADDRESSED
"TO THE ASSEMBLY OF THE SAINTS."
CHAPTER L
Preliminary Remarks on the Feast of
Easter: and how the Word of God, having conferred Manifold Benefits on
Mankind, was betrayed by his Beneficiaries.
THAT light which far outshines the day and sun,
first pledge of resurrection, and renovation of bodies long since
dissolved, (1) the divine token (2) of promise, the path which leads to
everlasting life -- in a word, the day of the Passion -- is arrived,
best beloved doctors, and ye, my friends who are assembled here, ye
blessed multitudes, who worship him who is the author of all worship,
and praise him continually with heart and voice, according to the
precepts of his holy word. But thou, Nature, (3) parent of all things,
what blessing like to this hast thou ever accomplished for mankind? Nay
rather, what is in any sense thy workmanship, since he who formed the
universe is himself the author of thy being? For it is he who has
arrayed thee in thy beauty; and the beauty of Nature is life according
to Nature's laws. But principles quite opposed to Nature have mightily
prevailed; in that men have agreed in withholding his rightful worship
from the Lord of all, believing that the order of the universe depended,
not on his providence, but, on the blind uncertainty of chance: and
this notwithstanding the clearest announcement of the truth by his
inspired prophets, whose words should have claimed belief, but were in
every way resisted by that impious wickedness which hates the light of
truth, and loves the ob-
scure mazes of darkness. Nor was this error unaccompanied by violence
and cruelty, especially in that the will of princes encouraged the blind
impetuosity of the multitude, or rather itself led the way in the
career of reckless folly. Such principles as these, confirmed by the
practice of many generations, became the source of terrible evils in
those early times: but no sooner had the radiance of the Saviour's
presence appeared, than justice took the place of wrong, a calm
succeeded the confusion of the storm, and the predictions of the
prophets were all fulfilled. For after he had enlightened the world by
the glorious discretion and purity of his character, and had ascended to
the mansions of his father's house, he founded his Church on earth, as
a holy temple of virtue, an immortal, imperishable temple, wherein the
worship due to the Supreme Father and to himself should be piously
performed. But what did the insane malice of the nations hereupon
devise? Their effort was to reject the grace of Christ, and to ruin that
Church which was ordained for the salvation of all, though they thus
ensured the overthrow of their own superstition. (4) Once more then
unholy sedition, once more war and strife prevailed, with
stiff-neckedness, luxurious riot, and that craving for wealth which now
soothes its victims with specious hope, now strikes them with groundless
fear; a craving which is contrary to nature, and the very
characteristic of Vice herself. Let her, however, lie prostrate in the
dust, and own the victorious power of Virtue; and let her rend and tear
herself, as well she may, in the bitterness of repentance. But let us
now proceed to speak of topics which pertain to the Divine doctrine.
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CHAPTER II.
An Appeal to the Church and to his Hearers to pardon and correct the
Errors of his Speech.
HEAR then, thou master (1) of the ship, possessor of
virgin purity, and thou Church, the cherisher of tender and
inexperienced age, guardian of truth and gentleness, through whose
perennial fountain the stream" of salvation flows! Be ye also indulgent,
my hearers, who worship God sincerely, and are, therefore, the objects
of his care: attending, not to the language, but to the truth of what
is said; not to him who speaks, but rather to the pious zeal which
hallows his discourse! For what will be the use of words when the real
purpose of the speaker remains unknown? It may be, indeed, that I essay
great things; the love of God which animates my soul, a love which
overpowers natural reserve, is my plea for the bold attempt. On you,
then, I call, who are best instructed in the mysteries of God, to aid
me with your counsel, to follow me with your thoughts, and correct
whatever shall savor of error in my words, expecting no display of
perfect knowledge, but graciously accepting the sincerity of my
endeavor. And may the Spirit of the Father and the Son accord his
mighty aid, while I utter the words which he shall suggest to speech or
thought. (8) For if any one, whether in the practice of eloquence, or
any other art, expects to produce a finished work without the help of
God, both the author and his efforts will be found alike imperfect;
while he has no cause to fear, no room for discouragement, (4) who has
once been blessed with the inspiration of Heaven. Wherefore asking your
indulgence for the length of this preface, let us attempt the theme in
its utmost scope. (5)
CHAPTER III.
That God is the Father of the Word, and
the Creator of all Things; and that Material Objects could not
continue to exist, were their Causes Various.
GOD, who is ever above all existence, and the good
which all things desire, has no origin, and therefore no beginning,
being himself the originator (1) of all things which receive existence.
But he who proceeds from him is again united to him; and this
separation from and union with him is not local, but intellectual in its
character. For this generation was accompanied by no diminution of the
Father's substance (as in the case of generation by seed); but by the
determining act of foreknowledge God manifested a Saviour presiding
over (2) this sensible world, and all created things therein. (3) From
hence, then, is the source of existence and life to all things which are
within the compass of this world; hence proceed the soul, and every
sense; (4) hence those organs through which the sense-perceptions are
perfected. What, then, is the object of this argument? To prove that
there is One director of all things that exist, and that all things,
whether in heaven or on earth, both natural and organized bodies, (5)
are subject to his single sovereignty. For if the dominion of these
things, numberless as they are, were in the hands, not of one but of
many, there must be a partition and distribution of the elements, and
the old fables would be true; (6) jealousy, too, and ambition, striving
for superior power, would destroy the harmonious concord of the whole,
while each of the many masters would regulate in a manner different from
the rest the portion subject to his control. The fact, however, that
this universal order is ever one and the same, is the proof that it is
under the care of a superior power, and that its origin cannot be
ascribed to chance. Else how could the author of universal nature ever
be known? To whom first, or last, could prayers and supplications be
addressed? Whom could I choose (7) as the object of my worship, without
being guilty of impiety towards the rest? Again, if haply I desired to
obtain some temporal blessing, should I not, while expressing my
gratitude to the Power who favored my request, convey a reproach to him
who opposed it? Or to whom should I pray, when desiring to know the
cause of my calamity, and to obtain deliverance? Or let us suppose that
the answer is given by oracles and prophecies,
563
but that the case is not within the scope of their authority, being the
province of some other deity.s Where, then, is mercy? where is the
provident care of God for the human race? Unless, indeed, some more
benevolent Power assuming a hostile attitude against another who has no
such feeling, be disposed to accord me his protection. Hence anger,
discords, mutual censure, and finally universal confusion, would ensue,
while each departed from his proper sphere of action, dissatisfied,
through ambitious love of power, with his allotted portion. What, then,
would be the result of these things? Surely this discord among the
heavenly powers would prove destructive to the interests of earth the
orderly alternation of times and seasons would disappear; the successive
productions of the earth would be enjoyed no more: the day itself, and
the repose of night which follows it, would cease to be. But enough on
this subject: let us once more resume that species of reasoning which
admits of no reply.
CHAPTER IV.
On the Error of Idolatrous Worship.
WHATEVER has had a beginning, has also an end. Now
that which is a beginning in respect of time, is called a generation:
and whatever is by generation is subject to corruption, and its beauty
(1) is impaired by the lapse of time. How, then, can they whose origin
is from corruptible generation, be immortal? Again, this supposition has
gained credit with the ignorant multitude, that marriages, and the
birth of children, are usual among the gods. Granting, then, such
offspring to be immortal, and continually produced, the race must of
necessity multiply to excess: and if this were so, where is the heaven,
or the earth, which could contain so vast and still increasing a
multitude of gods? But what shall we say of those men who represent
these celestial beings as joined in incestuous union with their sister
goddesses, and charge them with adultery and impurity? (2) We declare,
further, with all confidence, that the very honors and worship which
these deities receive from men are accompanied by acts of wantonness and
profligacy. Once more; the experienced and skillful sculptor, having
formed the conception of his design, perfects his work according to the
rifles of art; and in a little while, as if forgetful of himself,
idolizes his own creation, and adores it as an immortal god, while yet
he admits that himself, the author and maker of the image, is a mortal
man. Nay, they even show the graves and monuments of those whom they
deem immortal, and bestow divine honors on the dead: not knowing that
that which is truly blessed and incorruptible needs no distinction
which perishable men can give: for that Being, who is seen by the
mental eye, and conceived by the intellect alone, requires to be
distinguished by no external form, and admits no figure to represent its
character and likeness. But the honors of which we speak are given to
those who have yielded to the power of death: they once were men, and
tenants, while they lived, of a mortal body.
CHAPTER V.
That Christ, the Son of God, created
All Things, and has appointed to Every Thing the Term of its Existence.
BUT why do I defile my tongue with unhallowed words,
when my object is to sound the praises of the true God? Rather let me
cleanse myself, as it were, from this bitter draught by the pure stream
which flows from the everlasting fountain of the virtue (1) of that God
who is the object of my praise. Be it my special province to glorify
Christ, as well by the actions of my life, as by that thanksgiving which
is due to him for the manifold and signal blessings which he has
bestowed. I affirm, therefore, that he (2) has laid the foundations of
this universe; and conceived the race of men, ordaining these things by
his word. And immediately he transferred our newly created parents
(ignorant at first, according to his will, of good and evil) to a happy
region, abounding in flowers and fruits of every kind. (3) At length,
however, he appointed them a seat on earth befitting creatures endued
with reason; and then unfolded to their faculties, as intelligent
beings, the knowledge of good and evil. Then, too, he bade the race
increase; and each healthy region of the world, as far as the bounds of
the circumambient ocean, became the dwelling-place of men; while with
this increase of numbers the invention of the useful arts went hand in
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hand. Meantime the various species of inferior (4) animals increased in
due proportion, each kind discovering some characteristic quality, the
special gift of nature: the tame distinguished by gentleness and
obedience to man; the wild by strength and swiftness, and an instinctive
foresight which warned them to escape from peril. The gentler animals
he placed entirely beneath man's protecting care, but entailed on him
the necessity of strife with those of fiercer nature. He next created
the feathered race, manifold in number, diverse in character and
habits; brilliant with every variety of color, and endued with native
powers of melody. Finally, having arranged with wise discrimination
whatever else the compass of this world contains, and having assigned
to every creature the stated term of its existence, he thus completed
the beautiful order of the perfect whole.
CHAPTER VI.
The Falsity of the General Opinion
respecting Fate (1) is proved by the Consideration of Human Laws, and by
the Works of Creation, the Course of which is not Fortuitous, but
according to an Orderly Arrangement which evinces the Design of the
Creator.
THE great majority, however, in their folly, ascribe
the regulation of the universe to nature, while some imagine fate, or
accident, (2) to be the cause. With regard to those who attribute the
control of all things to fate, they know not that in using this term
they utter a mere word, but designate no active power, nor anything
which has real and substantial existence. For what can this fate be,
considered in itself, if nature be the first cause of all things? Or
what shall we suppose nature itself to be, if the law of fate be
inviolable? Indeed, the very assertion that there is a law of fate
implies that such law is the work of a legislator: if, therefore, fate
itself
be a law, it must be a law devised by God. All things, therefore, are
subject to God, and nothing is beyond the sphere of his power. If it be
said that fate is the will (3) of God, and is so considered, we admit
the fact. But in what respect do justice, (4) or self-control, (5) or
the other virtues, depend on fate? From whence, if so, do their
contraries, as injustice and intemperance, proceed? For vice has its
origin from nature, not from fate; and virtue is the due regulation of
natural character and disposition. But, granting that the varied results
of actions, whether right or erroneous in themselves, depend on fortune
or fate: in what sense can the general principle of justice, (6) the
principle of rendering to every one his due, be ascribed to fate? (7)
Or how can it be said that laws, encouragements to virtue and
dissuasives from what is evil, praise, blame, punishment, in short
whatever operates as a motive to virtue, and deters from the practice of
vice, derive their origin from fortune or accident, and not rather from
that of justice, (8) which is a characteristic attribute of the God of
providence? For the events which befall men are consequent upon the
tenor of their lives. Hence pestilence or sedition, famine and
plenty, succeed in turn, declaring plainly and emphatically that all
these things are regulated with reference to our course of life. For
the Divine Being delights in goodness, but turns with aversion from all
impiety; looks with acceptance on the humble spirit, but abhors
presumption, and that pride which exalts itself above what becomes a
creature. And though the proofs of these truths are clear and manifest
to our sight, they appear in a still stronger light, when we collect,
and as it were concentrate our thoughts within ourselves, and ponder
their causes with deep attention. I say, then, that it becomes us to
lead a life of modesty and gentleness, not suffering our thoughts to
rise proudly above our natural condition, and ever mindful that God is
near us,
565
and is the observer of all our actions. But let us still farther test
the truth of the proposition, that the order of the universe depends on
chance (9) or accident. (1) Are we then to suppose that the stars and
other heavenly bodies, the earth and sea fire and wind, water and air,
the succession of the seasons, the recurrence of summer and winter, that
all these have an undesigned and fortuitous existence, and not rather
that they proceed from the creative hand of God? Some indeed, are so
senseless as to say that most of these things have been devised by
mankind because of their need of them. Let it be admitted that this
opinion has a semblance of reason in regard to earthly and corruptible
things (though Nature herself supplies every good with a lavish hand);
yet can we believe that things which are immortal and unchangeable are
the inventions of men? These, indeed, and all things else which are
beyond the reach of our senses, and comprehended by the intellect (11)
alone, receive their being, not from the material life of man, but from
the intellectual and eternal essence of God. Again, the orderly
arrangement of these things is the work of his providence: for instance,
that the day, deriving radiance from the sun, is bright; that night
succeeds his setting, and the starry host (12) by which night itself is
redeemed from total darkness. And what shall we say of the moon, which
when most distant from, and opposite to the sun, is filled with light,
but wanes in proportion to the nearness of her approach to him? Do not
these things manifestly evince the intelligence (13) and sagacious
wisdom of God? Add to this that needful warmth of the solar rays which
ripens the fruits of the earth; the currents of wind, so conducive to
the fertility of the seasons; the cool and refreshing showers; and the
harmony of all these things in accordance with which all are reasonably
and systematically conducted: lastly, the everlasting order of the
planets, which return to the selfsame place at their appointed times:
are not all these, as well as the perfect ministry of the stars,
obedient to a divine law, evident proofs of the ordinance (14) of God?
Again, do the mountain heights, the deep and hollow valleys, the level
and extensive plains, useful as they are, as well as pleasing to the
eye, appear to exist independently of the will of God? Or do not the
proportion and alternate succession of land and water, serviceable, the
one for husbandry, the other for the transport of such foreign products
as we need, afford a clear demonstration of his exact and proportionate
providential care? For instance, the mountains contain a store of
water, which the level ground receives, and after imbibing sufficient
for the renovation of the soil, sends forth the residue into the sea,
and the sea in turn passes it onward to the ocean. And still we dare to
say that all these things happen by chance (15) and accident; unable
though we be to show by what shape or form this chance is
characterized; a thing which has no foundation either in intellect or
sense existence; which rings in our ears as the mere sound of an
unsubstantial name!
CHAPTER VII.
In regard to Things above our Comprehension,
we should glorify the Creator's Wisdom, and attribute their Causes to
him alone, and not
to Chance.
IN fact, this word "chance" is the expression of men
who think in haphazard and illogical fashion; who are unable to
understand the causes of these things, and who, owing to the feebleness
of their own apprehensions, conceive that those things for which they
cannot assign a reason, are ordered without reason. There are,
unquestionably, some things which possess wonderful natural properties,
and the full apprehension of which is very difficult: for example, the
nature of hot springs. For no one can easily explain the cause of so
powerful a fire; and it is indeed surprising that though surrounded on
all sides by a body of cold water, it loses none of its native heat.
These phenomena appear to be of rare occurrence throughout the world,
being intended, I am persuaded, to afford to mankind convincing evidence
of the power of that Providence which ordains that two directly
opposite natures, heat and cold, should thus proceed from the self-same
source. Many indeed, yea, numberless, are the gifts which God has
bestowed for the comfort and enjoyment of man; and of these the fruit
of the olive-tree and the vine deserve especial notice; the one for its
power of renovating and cheering the soul, (1) the other because it
ministers to our enjoyment, and is likewise adapted for the cure of
bodily disease. Marvelous, too, is the course of rivers, flowing night
and day with unceasing motion, and presenting a type of ever-flowing,
never-ceasing life: and equally wonderful is the alternate succession
of day and night.
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CHAPTER VIII.
That God bestows an Abundant Supply of
whatever is suited to the Wants of Man, and ministers but sparingly to
his Pleasures; in Both Cases with a View to his Advantage.
LET what has been said suffice to prove that nothing
exists without reason and intelligence, and that reason itself and
providence are of God. It is he who has also distributed the metals, as
gold, silver, copper, and the rest, in due proportion; ordaining an
abundant supply of those which would be most needed and generally
employed, while he dispensed those which serve the purposes merely of
pleasure in adornment of luxury with a liberal and yet a sparing hand,
holding a mean between parsimony and profusion. For the searchers for
metals, were those which are employed for ornament procured in equal
abundance with the rest, would be impelled by avarice to despise and
neglect to gather those which, like iron or copper, are serviceable for
husbandry, or house-building, or the equipment of ships; and would care
for those only which conduce to luxury and a superfluous excess of
wealth. Hence it is, as they say, that the search for gold and silver is
far more difficult and laborious than that for any other metals, the
violence of the toil thus acting as a counterpoise to the violence of
the desire. And how many instances might still further be enumerated of
the workings of that Divine Providence which, in all the gifts which it
has so unsparingly conferred upon us, plainly urges us to the practice
of self-control and all other virtues, and leads us away from
unbefitting covetousness! To trace the secret reasons of all these
things is indeed a task which exceeds the power of human faculties. For
how can the intellect of a frail and perishable being arrive at the
knowledge of perfect truth, or apprehend in its purity the counsel of
God from the beginning?
CHAPTER IX.
Of the Philosophers, who fell into Mistaken
Notions, and Same of them into Danger, by their
Desire of Universal Knowledge. -- Also of the Doctrines of Plato.
WE ought, therefore, to aim at objects which are
within our power, and exceed not the capacities of our nature. For the
persuasive influence of argument has a tendency to draw most of us away
from the truth of things, which has happened to many philosophers, who
have employed themselves in reasoning, and the study of natural science,
and who, as often as the
magnitude of the subject surpasses their powers of investigation, adopt
various devices for obscuring the truth. Hence their diversities of
judgment, and contentious opposition to each others' doctrines, and this
notwithstanding their pretensions to wisdom. Hence, too, popular
commotions have arisen, and severe sentences, passed by those in power,
apprehensive of the overthrow of hereditary institutions, have proved
destructive to many of the disputants themselves. Socrates, for example,
elated by his skill in argumentation, indulging his power of making the
worse appear the better reason, (1) and playing continually with the
subtleties of controversy, fell a victim to the slander of his own
countrymen and fellow-citizens. Pythagoras, too, who laid special claim
to the virtues of silence and self-control, was convicted of falsehood.
For he declared to the Italians that the doctrines which he had
received during his travels in Egypt, and which had long before been
divulged by the priests of that nation, were a personal revelation to
himself from God. Lastly, Plato himself, the gentlest and most refined
of all, who first essayed to draw men's thoughts from sensible to
intellectual and eternal objects, and taught them to aspire to sublimer
speculations, in the first place declared, with truth, a God exalted
above every essence, but to him he added also a second, distinguishing
them numerically as two, though both possessing one perfection, and the
being of the second Deity proceeding from (2) the first. For he is the
creator and controller of the universe, and evidently supreme: while
the second, as the obedient agent of his commands, refers the origin of
all creation to him as the cause. In accordance, therefore, with
the soundest reason, we may say that there is one Being whose care and
providence are over all things, even God the Word, who has ordered all
things; but the Word being God himself is also the Son of God. For by
what name can we designate him except by this title of the Son, without
falling into the most grievous error? For the Father of all things is
properly considered the Father of his own Word. Thus far, then, Plato's
sentiments were sound; but in what follows he appears to have wandered
from the truth, in that he introduces a plurality of gods, to each of
whom he assigns specific forms. And this has given occasion to still
greater error among the unthinking portion of
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mankind, who pay no regard to the providence of the Supreme God, but
worship images of their own devising, made in the likeness of men or
other living beings. Hence it appears that the transcendent nature and
admirable learning of this philosopher, tinged as they were with such
errors as these, were by no means free from impurity and alloy. And yet
he seems to me to retract, and correct his own words, when he-plainly
declares that a rational soul is the breath (3) of God, and divides all
things into two classes, intellectual and sensible: [the one simple, the
other] (4) consisting of bodily structure; the one comprehended by the
intellect alone, the other estimated by the judgment and the senses.
The former class, therefore, which partakes of the divine spirit, and
is uncompounded and immaterial, is eternal, and inherits everlasting
life; but the latter, being entirely resolved into the elements of
which it is composed, has no share in everlasting life. He farther
teaches the admirable doctrine, that those who have passed a life of
virtue, that is, the spirits of good and holy men, are enshrined, after
their separation from the body, in the fairest mansions of heaven. A
doctrine not merely to be admired, but profitable too. (3) For who can
believe in such a statement, and aspire to such a happy lot, without
desiring to practice righteousness and temperance, and to turn aside
from vice? Consistently with this doctrine he represents the spirits of
the wicked as tossed like wreckage on the streams of Acheron and
Pyriphlegethon.
CHAPTER X.
Of those who reject the Doctrines of
Philosophers, as well as those of Scripture: and that we ought to
believe the Poets in All Things, or disbelieve them in All.
THERE are, however, some persons so infatuated, that
when they meet with such sentiments as these, they are neither converted
or alarmed: nay, they even treat them with contempt and scorn, as if
they listened to the inventions of fable; applauding, perhaps, the
beauty of the eloquence, but abhorring the severity of the precepts.
And yet they give credence to the fictions of the poets, and make both
civilized and
barbarous (1) countries ring with exploded and false tales. For the
poets assert that the judgment of souls after death is committed to men
whose parentage they ascribe to the gods, (2) ex-tolling their
righteousness and impartiality and represent them as guardians of the
dead. The same poets describe the battles of the gods and certain usages
of war among them, and speak of them as subject to the power of fate.
Some of these deities they picture to us as cruel, others as strangers
to all care for the human race, and others again as hateful in their
character. They introduce them also as mourning the slaughter of their
own children, thus implying their inability to succor, not strangers
merely, but those most dear to them. They describe them, too, as
subject to human passions, and sing of their battles and wounds, their
joys and sorrows. And in all this they appear worthy of belief. (3) For
if we suppose them to be moved by a divine impulse to attempt the
poetic art, we are bound to believe them and to be persuaded of what
they utter under this inspiration. They speak, then, of the calamities
to which their divinities are subject; calamities which of course are
altogether true! But it will be objected that it is the privilege of
poets to lie, since the peculiar province of poetry is to charm (4) the
spirits of the hearers, while the very essence of truth is that things
told be in reality exactly what they are said to be. (5) Let us grant
that it is a characteristic of poetry occasionally to conceal the
truth. But they who speak falsehood do it not without an object; being
influenced either by a desire of personal gain or advantage, or
possibly, being conscious of some evil conduct, they are induced to
disguise the truth by dread of the threatening vengeance of the laws.
But surely it were possible for them (in my judgment), by adhering
faithfully to truth at least while treating of the nature of the
Supreme Being, to avoid the guilt at once of falsehood and impiety.
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CHAPTER XI.
On the Coming of our Lord in the Flesh; its
Nature and Cause. (1)
WHOEVER, then, has pursued a course unworthy of a
life of virtue, and is conscious of having lived an irregular and
disorderly life, let him repent, and turn with enlightened spiritual
vision to God; and let him abandon his past career of wickedness,
content if he attain to wisdom even in his declining years. We, however,
have received no aid from human instruction; nay, whatever graces of
character are esteemed of good report by those who have understanding,
are entirely the gift of God. And I am able to oppose no feeble buckler
against the deadly weapons of Satan's armory; I mean the knowledge I
possess of those things which are pleasing to him: and of these I will
select such as are appropriate to my present design, while I proceed to
sing the praises of the Father of all. But do thou, O Christ Saviour of
mankind, be present to aid me in my hallowed task! Direct the words
which celebrate thy virtues, (2) and instruct me worthily to sound thy
praises. And now, let no one expect to listen to the graces of elegant
language: for well I know that the nerveless eloquence of those who
speak to charm the ear, and whose aim is rather applause than sound
argument, is distasteful to hearers of sound judgment. It is asserted,
then, by some profane and senseless persons, that Christ, whom we
worship, was justly condemned to death, and that he who is the author
of life to all, was himself deprived of life. That such an assertion
should be made by those who have once dared to enter the paths of
impiety, who have cast aside all fear, and all thought of concealing
their own depravity, is not surprising. But it is beyond the bounds of
folly itself that they should be able, as it seems, really to persuade
themselves that the incorruptible God yielded to the violence of men,
and not rather to that love alone which he bore to the human race: that
they should fail to perceive that divine magnanimity and forbearance is
changed by no insult, is moved from its intrinsic steadfastness by no
revilings; but is ever the same, breaking down and repelling, by the
spirit of wisdom and greatness of soul, the savage fierceness of those
who assail it. The gracious kindness of God had determined to abolish
iniquity, and to exalt order and justice. Accordingly, he gathered a
company of the wisest among men, (3) and ordained that most noble and
useful doctrine, which is calculated to lead the good and blessed of
mankind to an imitation of his own providential care. And what higher
blessing can we speak of than this, that God should prescribe the way of
righteousness, and make those who are counted worthy of his instruction
like himself; that goodness might be communicated to all classes of
mankind, and eternal felicity be the result? This is the glorious
victory: this the true power: this the mighty work, worthy of its
author, the restoration of all people to soundness of mind: and the
glory of this triumph we joyfully ascribe to thee, thou Saviour of all!
But thou, vile and wretched blasphemy, whose glory is in lies and rumors
and calumny; thy power is to deceive and prevail with the
inexperience of youth, and with men who still retain the folly of
youth. These thou seducest from the service of the true God, and settest
up false idols as the objects of their worship and their prayers; and
thus the reward of their folly awaits thy deluded victims: for they
calumniate Christ, the author of every blessing, who is God, and the
Son of God. Is not the worship of the best and wisest of the nations of
this world worthily directed to that God, who, while possessing
boundless power, remains immovably true to his own purpose, and retains
undiminished his characteristic kindness and love to man? Away, then,
ye impious, for still ye may while vengeance on your transgressions is
yet withheld; begone to your sacrifices, your feasts, your scenes of
revelry and drunkenness, wherein, under the semblance of religion, your
hearts are devoted to profligate enjoyment, and pretending to perform
sacrifices, yourselves are the willing slaves of your own pleasures. No
knowledge have ye of any good, nor even of the first commandment of the
mighty God, who both declares his will to man, and gives commission to
his Son to direct the course of human life, that they who have passed a
career of virtue and self-control may obtain, according to the judgment
of that Son, a second, yea, a blessed and happy existence. (4) I have
now declared the decree of God respecting the life which he prescribes
to man, neither ignorantly, as many have done, nor
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resting on the ground of opinion or conjecture. But it may be that some
will ask, Whence this title of Son? Whence this generation of which we
speak, if God be indeed only One, and incapable of union with another?
We are, however, to consider generation as of two kinds; one in the way
of natural birth, which is known to all; the other, that which is the
effect of an eternal cause, the mode of which is seen by the prescience
of God, and by those among men whom he loves. For he who is wise will
recognize the cause which regulates the harmony of creation. Since,
then, nothing exists without a cause, of necessity the cause of existing
substances preceded their existence. But since the world and all things
that it contains exist, and are preserved, (5) their preserver must
have had a prior existence; so that Christ is the cause of
preservation, and the preservation of things is an effect: (6) even as
the Father is the cause of the Son, and the Son the effect of that
cause. Enough, then, has been said to prove his priority of existence.
But how do we explain his descent to this earth, and to men? His motive
in this, (7) as the prophets had foretold, originated in his watchful
care for the interests of all: for it needs must be that the Creator
should care for his own works. But when the time came for him to assume
a terrestrial body, and to sojourn on this earth, the need requiring, he
devised for himself a new mode (8) of birth. Conception was there, yet
apart from marriage: childbirth, yet pure virginity: and a maiden
became the mother of God! An eternal nature received a beginning of
temporal existence: a sensible form of a spiritual essence, a material
manifestation of incorporeal brightness, (9) appeared. Alike wondrous
were the circumstances which attended this great event. A radiant dove,
like that which flew from the
ark of Noah, (10) alighted on the Virgin's bosom:
and accordant with this impalpable union, purer than chastity, more
guileless than innocence itself, were the results which followed. From
infancy possessing the wisdom of God, received with reverential awe by
the Jordan, in whose waters he was baptized, gifted with that royal
unction, the spirit of universal intelligence; with knowledge and power
to perform miracles, and to heal diseases beyond the reach of human art;
he yielded a swift and unhindered assent to the prayers of men, to
whose welfare, indeed, his whole life was devoted without reserve. His
doctrines instilled, not prudence only, (11) but real wisdom: his
hearers were instructed, not in the mere social virtues, (12) but in the
ways which conduct to the spiritual world; and devoted themselves to
the contemplation of immutable and eternal things, and the knowledge of
the Supreme Father. The benefits which he bestowed were no common
blessings: for blindness, the gift of sight; for helpless weakness, the
vigor of health; in the place of death, restoration to life again. I
dwell not on that abundant provision in the wilderness, whereby a scanty
measure of food became a complete and enduring supply (13) for the
wants of a mighty multitude? Thus do we render thanks to thee, our God
and Saviour, according to our feeble power; unto thee, O Christ,
supreme Providence of the mighty Father, who both savest us from evil,
and impartest to us thy most blessed doctrine: for I say these things,
not to praise, but to give thanks. For what mortal is he who shall
worthily declare thy praise, of whom we learn that thou didst from
nothing call creation into being, and illumine it with thy light; that
thou didst regulate the confusion of the elements by the laws of harmony
and order? But chiefly we mark thy loving-kindness, (15) in that thou
hast caused those
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whose hearts inclined to thee to desire earnestly a divine and blessed
life, and hast provided that, like merchants of true blessings, they
might impart to many others the wisdom and good fortune they had
received; themselves, meanwhile, reaping the everlasting fruit of
virtue. Freed from the trammels of vice, and imbued with the love of
their fellow-men, they keep mercy ever before their eyes, and hoping for
the promises of faith; (16) devoted to modesty, and all those virtues
which the past career of human life had thrown aside [but which were
now restored by him whose providence is over all]. (17) No other power
could be found to devise a remedy for such evils, and for that spirit
of injustice which had heretofore asserted its dominion over the race
of men. Providence, however, could reach the circumstances even here,
and with ease restored whatever had been disordered by violence and the
licentiousness of human passion. And this restoring power he exercised
without concealment. For he knew that, though there were some whose
thoughts were able to recognize and understand his power, others there
were whose brutish and senseless nature led them to rely exclusively on
the testimony of their own senses. In open day, therefore, that no one,
whether good or evil, might find room for doubt, he manifested his
blessed and wondrous healing power; restoring the dead to life again,
and renewing with a word the powers of those who had been bereft of
bodily sense. (18) Can we, in short, suppose, that to render the sea
firm as the solid ground, to still the raging of the storm, and finally
to ascend to heaven, after turning the unbelief of men to steadfast
faith by the performance of these wondrous acts, demanded less than
almighty power, was less than the work of God? Nor was the time of his
passion unaccompanied by like wonders: when the sun was darkened, and
the shades of night obscured the light of day. Then terror everywhere
laid hold upon the people, and the thought that the end of all things
was already come, and that chaos, such as had been ere the order of
creation began, would once more prevail. Then, too, the cause was
sought of so terrible an evil, and in what respect the trespasses of
men had provoked the wrath of Heaven; until God himself, who surveyed
with calm dignity the arrogance of the ungodly, renewed the face of
heaven, and adorned it with the host of stars. Thus the be-clouded face
of Nature was again restored to her pristine beauty.
CHAPTER XII.
Of those who are Ignorant of this Mystery;
and that their Ignorance is Voluntary. The Blessings which await those
who know it, especially such as die in the Confession of the Faith. (1)
BUT it will be said by some, who love to blaspheme,
that it was in the power of God to ameliorate and soften the natural
will of man. What better way, I ask, what better method could be
devised, what more effectual effort put forth for reclaiming evil man,
than converse with God himself? Was not he visibly present to teach them
the principles of virtuous conduct? And if the personal instructions of
God were without effect, how much more, had he continued absent and
unheard? What, then, had power to hinder this most blessed doctrine?
The perverse folly of man. For the clearness of our perceptions is at
once obscured, as often as we receive with angry impatience those
precepts which are given for our blessing and advantage. In truth, it
was the very choice of men to disregard these precepts, and to turn a
deaf ear to the commandments so distasteful to them; though had they
listened, they would have gained a reward well worthy such attention,
and that not for the present only, but the future life, which is indeed
the only true life. For the reward of obedience to God is imperishable
and everlasting life, to which they may aspire who know him, (2) and
frame their course of life so as to afford a pattern to others, and as
it were a perpetual standard for the imitation of those who desire to
excel in virtue. Therefore was the doctrine committed to men of
understanding, that the truths which they communicated might be kept
with care and a pure conscience by the members of their households, and
that thus a truthful and steadfast observance of God's commands might
be secured, the fruit of which is that boldness in the prospect of
death which springs from pure faith and genuine holiness before God. He
who is thus armed can withstand the tempest of the world, and is
sustained even to martyrdom by the invincible power of God, whereby he
boldly overcomes the greatest terrors, and is accounted worthy of a
crown of glory by him to whom he has thus nobly testi-
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fied. (3) Nor does he himself assume the praise, knowing full well that
it is God who gives the power both to endure, and to fulfill with ready
zeal the Divine commands. And well may such a course as this receive the
meed of never-failing remembrance and everlasting honor. For as the
martyr's life is one of sobriety and obedience to the will of God, so is
his death an example of true greatness and generous fortitude of soul.
Hence it is followed by hymns and psalms, words and songs of praise to
the all-seeing God: and a sacrifice of thanksgiving is offered in
memory of such men, a bloodless, a harmless sacrifice, wherein is no
need of the fragrant frankincense, no need of fire; but only enough of
pure light (4) to suffice the assembled worshipers. Many, too, there
are whose charitable spirit leads them to prepare a temperate banquet
for the comfort of the needy, and the relief of those who had been
driven from their homes: a custom which can only be deemed burdensome
(5) by those whose thoughts are not accordant with the divine and
sacred doctrine.
CHAPTER XIII.
That there is a Necessary Difference between
Created Things. That the Propensity to Good and Evil depends on the Will
of Man; and that, consequently, Judgment is a Necessary and Reasonable
Thing.
THERE are, indeed, some who venture with childish
presumption to find fault with God in respect of this also, and ask why
it is that he has not created one and the same natural disposition for
all, but rather has ordained the existence of many things different,
nay, contrary in their nature, whence arises the dissimilarity of our
moral conduct and character. Would it not (say they) have been better,
both as regards obedience to the commands of God, and a just
apprehension of himself, and for the confirmation of individual faith,
that all mankind should be of the same moral character? It is indeed
ridiculous to expect that this could be the case, and to forget that the
constitution of the world is different from that of the things that are
in the world; that physical and moral objects are not identical in
their nature, nor the affections of the body the same as those of the
soul. [For the immortal soul far exceeds the material world
in dignity, and is more blessed than the perishable and terrestrial
creation, in proportion as it is noble and more allied to God. (1)] Nor
is the human race excluded from participation in the divine goodness;
though this is not the lot of all indiscriminately, but of those only
who search deeply into the Divine nature, and propose the knowledge of
sacred things as the leading object of their lives.
CHAPTER XIV.
That Created Nature differs infinitely from
Un-created Being; to which Man makes the Nearest Approach by a Life of
Virtue.
SURELY it must be the very height of folly to
compare created with eternal things, which latter have neither beginning
nor end, while the former, having been originated and called into
being, and having received a commencement of their existence at some
definite time, must consequently, of necessity have an end. How then
can things which have thus been made, bear comparison with him who has
ordained their being? Were this the case, (1) the power to command
their existence could not rightly be attributed to him. Nor can
celestial things be compared to him, any more than the material (2) with
the intellectual (3) world, or copies with the models from which they
are formed. Nay, is it not absurd thus to confound all things, and to
obscure the honor of God by comparing him with men, or even with
beasts? And is it not characteristic of madmen, utterly estranged from a
life of sobriety and virtue, to affect a power equivalent to that of
God? If indeed we in any sense aspire to blessedness like that of God,
our duty is to lead a life according to his commandments: so shall we,
having finished a course consistent with the laws which he has
prescribed, dwell for ever superior to the power of fate, in eternal and
undecaying mansions. For the only power in man which can be elevated to
a comparison with that of God, is sincere and guileless service and
devotion of heart to himself, with the contemplation and study of
whatever pleases him, the raising our affections above the things of
earth, and directing our thoughts, as far as we may, to high and
heavenly objects: for from such endeavors, it is said, a victory
accrues to us more valuable than
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many blessings. (4) The cause, then, of that difference which subsists,
as regards the inequality both of dignity and power in created beings,
is such as I have described. In this the wise acquiesce with abundant
thankfulness and joy: while those who are dissatisfied, display their
own folly, and their arrogance will reap its due reward.
CHAPTER XV.
Of the Saviour's Doctrines and Miracles; and
the Benefits he confers on those who own Subjection to him.
THE Son of God invites all men to the practice of
virtue, and presents himself to all who have understanding hearts, as
the teacher of his saving precepts. (1) Unless, indeed, we will deceive
ourselves; and remain in wretched ignorance of the fact, that for our
advantage, that is, to secure the blessing of the human race, he went
about upon earth; and, having called around him the best men of their
age, committed to them instructions full of profit, and of power to
preserve them in the path of a virtuous life; teaching them the faith
and righteousness which are the true remedy against the adverse power of
that malignant spirit whose delight it is to ensnare and delude the
inexperienced. Accordingly he visited the sick, relieved the infirm from
the ills which afflicted them, and consoled those who felt the
extremity of penury and want. He commended also sound and rational
sobriety of character, enjoining his followers to endure, with dignity
and patience, every kind of injury and contempt: teaching them to regard
such as visitations permitted by their Father, and the victory is ever
theirs who nobly bear the evils which befall them. For he assured them
that the highest strength of all consisted in this steadfastness of
soul, combined with that philosophy which is nothing else than the
knowledge of truth and goodness, producing in men the generous habit of
sharing with their poorer brethren those riches which they have
themselves acquired by honorable means. At the same time he utterly
forbade all proud oppression, declaring that, as he had come to
associate with the lowly, so those who despised the lowly would be
excluded from his favor. Such and so great was the test whereby he
proved the faith of those who owned allegiance to his authority, and
thus he not only prepared them for the contempt of danger and
terror, but taught them at the same time the most genuine confidence in
himself. Once, too, his rebuke was uttered to restrain the zeal of one
of his companions, who yielded too easily to the impulse of passion,
when he assaulted with the sword, and, eager to protect his Saviour's
life, exposed his own. Then it was that he bade him desist, and returned
his sword to its sheath, reproving him for his distrust of refuge and
safety in himself, and declaring solemnly that all who should essay to
retaliate an injury by like aggression, or use the sword, should perish
by a violent death. (2) This is indeed heavenly wisdom, to choose
rather to endure than to inflict injury, and to be ready, should
necessity so require, to suffer, but not to do, wrong. For since
injurious conduct is in itself a most serious evil, it is not the
injured party, but the injuring, on whom the heaviest punishment must
fall. It is indeed possible for one who is subject to the will of God
to avoid the evil both of committing and of suffering injury, provided
his confidence be firm in the protection of that God whose aid is ever
present to shield his servants from harm. For how should that man who
trusts in God attempt to seek for resources in himself? In such a case
he must abide the conflict with uncertainty of victory: and no man of
understanding could prefer a doubtful to a certain issue. Again, how
can that man doubt the presence and aid of God, who has had experience
of manifold dangers, and has at all times been easily delivered, at his
simple nod, from all terrors: who has passed, as it were, through the
sea which was leveled by the Saviour's word, and afforded a solid road
for the passage of the people? This is, I believe, the sure basis of
faith, the true foundation of confidence, that we find such miracles as
these performed and perfected at the command of the God of Providence.
Hence it is that even in the midst of trial we find no cause to repent
of our faith, but retain an unshaken hope in God; and when this habit
of confidence is established in the soul, God himself dwells in the
inmost thoughts. But he is of invincible power: the soul, therefore,
which has within it him who is thus invincible, will not be overcome by
the perils which may surround it. Likewise, (3) we learn this truth
from the victory of God himself, who, while intent on providing for the
blessing of mankind, though grievously insulted by the malice of the
ungodly, yet passed unharmed through the sufferings of his passion, and
gained a mighty conquest, an everlasting crown of triumph, over all
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iniquity; thus accomplishing the purpose of his own providence and love
as regards the just, and destroying the cruelty of the impious and
unjust.
CHAPTER XVI.
The Coming of Christ was predicted by the
Prophets; and was ordained to be the Overthrow of Idols and Idolatrous
Cities.
LONG since had his passion, as well as his advent in
the flesh, been predicted by the prophets. The time, too, of his
incarnation had been foretold, and the manner in which the fruits of
iniquity and profligacy, so ruinous to the works and ways of
righteousness, should be destroyed, and the whole world partake of the
virtues of wisdom and sound discretion, through the almost universal
prevalence of those principles of con-
duct which the Saviour should promulgate, over the minds of men;
whereby the worship of God should be confirmed, and the rites of
superstition utterly abolished. By these not the slaughter of animals
alone, but the sacrifice of human victims, and the pollutions of an
accursed worship, had been devised: as, for example, by the laws of
Assyria and Egypt, the lives of innocent men were offered up in images
of brass or earth. Therefore have these nations received a recompense
worthy so foul a worship. Memphis and Babylon [it was declared] (1)
shall be wasted, and left desolate with their fathers' gods. Now these
things I speak not from the report of others, but having myself been
present, and actually seen the most wretched of these cities, the
unfortunate Memphis. (2) Moses desolated, at the Divine command, the
land of the once mighty Pharaoh, whose arrogance was his destruction,
(3) and destroyed his army (which had proved victorious over numerous
and mighty nations, an army strong in defenses and in arms), not by the
flight of arrows or the hurling of hostile weapons, but by holy prayer
alone, and quiet supplication.
CHAPTER XVII.
Of the Wisdom of Moses, which was an Object
of Imitation to the Wise among Heathen Nations. Also concerning Daniel,
and the Three Children.
No nation has ever been more highly blessed than
that which Moses led: none would have continued to enjoy higher
blessings, had they not willingly withdrawn themselves from the guidance
of the Holy Spirit. But who can worthily describe the praises of Moses
himself; who, after reducing to order an unruly nation, and
disciplining their minds (1) to habits of obedience and respect, out of
captivity restored them to a state of freedom, turned their mourning
into gladness, and so far elevated their minds, (1) that, through the
excess of contrast with their
former circumstances, and the abundance of their prosperity, the spirit
of the people was elated with haughtiness and pride? So far did he
surpass in wisdom those who had lived before him, that even the wise men
and philosophers (2) who are extolled by heathen nations aspired to
imitate his wisdom. For Pythagoras, following his wisdom, attained to
such a pitch of self-control, that he became to Plato, himself a model
of discretion, the standard of his own self-mastery. Again, how great
and terrible the cruelty of that ancient Syrian king, over whom Daniel
triumphed, the prophet who unfolded the secrets of futurity, whose
actions evinced transcendent greatness of soul, and the
luster of whose character and life shone conspicuous above all? The
name of this tyrant was Nebuchadnezzar, whose race afterward became
extinct, and his vast and mighty power was transferred to Persian hands.
The wealth of this tyrant was then, and is even now, celebrated far and
wide, as well as his ill-timed devotion to unlawful worship, his idol
statues, lifting their heads to heaven, and formed of various metals,
and the terrible and savage laws ordained to uphold this worship. These
terrors Daniel, sustained by genuine piety towards the true God,
utterly despised, and predicted that the tyrant's unseasonable zeal
would be productive of fearful evil to himself. He failed, however, to
convince the tyrant (for excessive wealth is an effectual barrier to
true soundness of judgment), and at length the monarch displayed the
savage cruelty of his character, by commanding that the righteous
prophet should be exposed to the fury of wild beasts. Noble, too,
indeed was the united spirit exhibited by those brethren (3) (whose
example others have since followed, and
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have won surpassing glory by their faith in the Saviour's name), (4)
those, I mean, who stood unharmed in the fiery furnace, and the terrors
appointed to devour them, repelling by the holy touch of their bodies
the flame by which they were surrounded. On the overthrow of the
Assyrian Empire, which was destroyed by thunderbolts from Heaven, (5)
the providence of God conducted Daniel to the court of Cambyses the
Persian king. Yet envy followed him even here; nor envy only, but the
deadly plots of the magians against his life, with a succession of many
and urgent dangers, from all which he was easily delivered by the
providential care of Christ, (6) and shone conspicuous in the practice
of every virtue. Three times in the day did he present his prayers to
God, and memorable were the proofs of supernatural power which he
displayed: and hence the magians, filled with envy at the very efficacy
of his petitions, represented the possession of such power to the king
as fraught with danger, and prevailed on him to adjudge this
distinguished benefactor of the Persian people to be devoured by savage
lions. Daniel, therefore, thus condemned, was consigned to the lions'
den (not indeed to suffer death, but to win unfading glory); and though
surrounded by these ferocious beasts of prey, he found them more gentle
than the men who had enclosed him there. Supported by the power of calm
and steadfast prayer, he was enabled to subdue all these animals,
ferocious as, by nature, they were. Cambyses, on learning the event (for
so mighty a proof of Divine power could not possibly be concealed),
amazed at the marvelous story, and repenting the too easy credence he
had given to the slanderous charges of the magians, resolved,
notwithstanding, to be himself a witness of the spectacle. But when he
saw the prophet with uplifted hands rendering praises to Christ, and
the lions crouching, and as it were worshiping, at his feet,
immediately he adjudged the magians, to whose persuasions he had
listened, to perish by the self-same sentence, and shut them up in the
lions' den. (7) The beasts, erewhile so gentle, rushed at once upon
their victims, and with all the fierceness of their nature tore and
destroyed them all. (8)
CHAPTER XVIII.
Of the Erythraean Sibyl, who pointed in a Prophetic Acrostic at our
Lord and his Passion. The Acrostic is "Jesus Christ, Son of God,
Saviour, Cross."
My desire, however, is to derive even from foreign
sources a testimony to the Divine nature of Christ. For on such
testimony it is evident that even those who blaspheme his name must
acknowledge that he is God, and the Son of God if indeed they will
accredit the words of those whose sentiments coincided with their own.
(1) The Erythraean Sibyl, then, who herself assures us that she lived in
the sixth generation after the flood, was a priestess of Apollo, who
wore the sacred fillet in imitation of the God she served, who guarded
also the tripod encompassed with the serpent's folds, and returned
prophetic answers to those who approached her shrine; having been
devoted by the folly of her parents to this service, a service
productive of nothing good or noble, but only of indecent
fury, such as we find recorded in the case of Daphne. (2) On one
occasion, however, having rushed into the sanctuary of her vain
superstition, she became really filled with inspiration from above, and
declared in prophetic verses the future purposes of God; plainly
indicating the advent of Jesus by the initial letters of these verses,
forming an acrostic in these words: JESUS CHRIST, SON OF GOD, SAVIOUR,
CROSS. The verses themselves are as follows:
Judgment! Earth's oozing pores (3) shall mark the day; Earth's heavenly
king his glories shall display: Sovereign of all, exalted on his throne,
Unnumbered multitudes their God shall own;
Shall sea their Judge, with mingled joy and fear, Crowned with his
saints, in human form appear.
How vain, while desolate earth's glories lie,
Riches, and pomp, and man's idolatry!
In that dread hour, when Nature's fiery doom
Startles the slumb'ring tenants of the tomb,
Trembling all flesh shall stand; each secret wile,
Sins long forgotten, thoughts of guilt and guile,
Open beneath God's searching light shall lie:
No refuge then, but hopeless agony.
O'er heaven's expanse shall gathering shades of night From earth, sun,
stars, and moon, withdraw their light; God's arm shall crush each
mountain's towering pride; On ocean's plain no more shall navies ride.
Dried at the source, no river's rushing sound
Shall soothe, no fountain slake the parched ground. Around, afar, shall
roll the trumpet's blast,
Voice of wrath long delayed, revealed at last.
In speechless awe, while earth's foundations groan,
On judgment's seat earth's kings their God shall own.
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Uplifted then, in majesty divine,
Radiant with light, behold Salvation's Sign! Cross of that Lord, who,
once for sinners given, Reviled by man, now owned by earth and heaven,
O'er every land extends his iron sway.
Such is the name these mystic lines display; Saviour, eternal king, who
bears our sins away. (4)
It is evident that the virgin uttered these verses
under the influence of Divine inspiration. And I cannot but esteem her
blessed, whom the Saviour thus selected to unfold his gracious purpose
towards us.
CHAPTER XIX.
That this Prophecy respecting our Saviour was
not the Fiction of any Member of the Christian Church, but the Testimony
of the Erythraean Sibyl, whose Books were translated into Latin by
Cicero before the coming of Christ. Also that Virgil makes mention of
the same, and of the Birth of the Virgin's Child: though he spoke
obscurely of this Mystery from Fear of the Ruling Powers.
MANY, however, who admit that the Erythraean Sibyl
was really a prophetess, yet refuse to credit this prediction, and
imagine that some one professing our faith, and not unacquainted with
the poetic art, was the composer of these verses. They hold, in short,
that they are a forgery, and alleged to be the prophecies of the Sibyl
on the ground of their containing useful moral sentiments, tending to
restrain licentiousness, and to lead man to a life of sobriety and
decorum. Truth, however, in this case is evident, since the diligence of
our countrymen (1) has made a careful computation of the times; so that
there is no room to suspect that this poem was composed after the
advent and condemnation of Christ, or that the general report is false,
that the verses were a prediction of the Sibyl in an early age. For it
is allowed that Cicero was acquainted with this poem, which he
translated into the Latin tongue, and incorporated with his own works.
(2) This writer was put to death during the ascendancy of Antony, who in
his turn was conquered by Augustus, whose reign lasted fifty-six years.
Tiberius succeeded, in whose age it was that the Saviour's advent
enlightened the world, the mystery of our most holy religion began to
prevail, and as it were a new race of men commenced: of which, I
suppose, the prince of Latin poets thus speaks:
Behold, a new, a heaven-born race appears. (3) And again, in another
passage of the Bucolics:
Sicilian Muses, sound a loftier strain. What can be clearer than this?
For he adds,
The voice of Cuma's oracle is heard again. (4)
Evidently referring to the Cumaean Sibyl. Nor was even this enough: the
poet goes further, as if irresistibly impelled to bear his testimony.
What then does he say?
Behold! the circling years new blessings bring:
The virgin comes, with her the long-desired king. (5)
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Who, then, is the virgin who was to come? Is it not she who was filled
with, and with child of the Holy Spirit? And why is it impossible that
she who was with child of the Holy Spirit should be, and ever continue
to be a virgin? This king, too, will return, and by his coming lighten
the sorrows of the world. The poet adds,
Thou, chaste Lucina, greet the new-born child,
Beneath whose reign the iron offspring ends,
A golden progeny from heaven descends;
His kingdom banished virtue shall restore,
And
crime shall threat the guilty world no more.
We perceive that these words are spoken plainly and at the same time
darkly, by way of allegory. Those who search deeply for the import of
the words, are able to discern the Divinity of Christ. But lest any of
the powerful in the imperial city might be able to accuse the poet of
writing anything contrary to the laws of the country, and subverting the
religious sentiments which had prevailed from ancient times, he
intentionally obscures the truth. For he was acquainted, as I believe,
with that blessed mystery which gave to our Lord the name of Saviour:
(6) but, that he might avoid the severity of creel men, he drew the
thoughts of his hearers to objects with which they were familiar, saying
that altars must be erected, temples raised, and sacrifices offered to
the new-born child. His concluding words also are adapted to the
sentiments of those who were accustomed to such a creed; for he says:
CHAPTER XX.
A Farther Quotation from Virgilius Maro respecting
Christ, with its Interpretation, showing that the Mystery was indicated
therein darkly, as might be expected from a Poet.
A life immortal he shall lead, and be
By heroes seen, himself shall heroes see;
evidently meaning the righteous.
The jarring nations he in peace shall bind, And with
paternal virtues rule mankind. Unbidden earth her earliest fruits shall
bring, And fragrant herbs, to greet her infant king.
Well indeed was this admirably wise and accomplished man acquainted
with the cruel character of the times. He proceeds:
The goats, uncall'd, full udders home shall bear;
The lowing herds no more fierce lions fear.
Truly said: for faith will not stand in awe of the mighty in the
imperial palace.
His cradle shall with rising flowers be crown'd:
The serpent's brood shall die; the sacred ground
Shall weeds and poisonous plants refuse to bear;
Each common bush th' Assyrian rose (1) shall wear.
Nothing could be said more true or more consistent with the Saviour's
excellency than this. For the power of the Divine Spirit presents the
very cradle of God, like fragrant flowers, to the new-born race. (2) The
serpent, too, and the venom of that serpent, perishes, who originally
beguiled our first parents, and drew their thoughts from their native
innocence (3) to the enjoyment of pleasures, that they might experience
(4) that threatened death. For before the Saviour's advent, the
serpent's power was shown in subverting the souls of those who were
sustained by no well-grounded hope, and ignorant of that immortality
which awaits the righteous. But after that he had suffered, and was
separated for a season from the body which he had assumed, the power of
the resurrection was revealed to man through the communication of the
Holy Spirit: and whatever stain of human guilt might yet remain was
removed by the washing of sacred lustrations.
Then indeed could the Saviour bid his followers be
of good cheer, and, remembering his adorable and glorious resurrection,
expect the like for themselves. Truly, then, the poisonous race may be
said to be extinct. Death himself is extinct, and the truth of the
resurrection sealed. Again, the Assyrian race is gone, which first led
the way to faith in God. (5) But when he speaks of the growth of amomum
every where, he alludes to the multitude of the true worshipers of God.
(6) For it is as though a multitude of branches, crowned with fragrant
flowers, and fitly watered, sprung from the self-same root. Most justly
said, Maro, thou wisest of poets! and with this all that follows is
consistent.
But when heroic worth his youth shall hear, And learn his father's
virtues to revere.
By the praises of heroes, he indicates the works of righteous men: by
the virtues of his Father he speaks of the creation and everlasting
structure of the world: and, it may be, of those laws by which God's
beloved Church is guided, and ordered in a course of righteousness and
virtue. Admirable, again, is the advance to higher
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things of that state of life which is intermediate, as it were, between
good and evil, and which seldom admits a sudden change:
Unlabored harvests shall the fields adorn, (7)
that is, the fruit of the Divine law springs up for the service of men.
And
clustered gropes shall blush on every thorn.
Far otherwise has it been during the corrupt and lawless period of
human life.
The
knotted oaks shall showers of honey weep. (8)
He here describes the folly and obduracy of the men of that age; and
perhaps he also intimates that they who suffer hardships in the cause of
God, shall reap sweet fruits of their own endurance.
Yet, of old fraud some footsteps shall remain;
The merchant still shall plough the deep for gain: Great cities shall
with walls be compassed round, And sharpened shares shall vex the
fruitful ground: Another Tiphys shall new seas explore;
Another Argo land the chiefs upon the Iberian shore; Another Helen
other wars create,
And great Achilles urge the Trojan fate.
Well said, wisest of bards! Thou hast carried the license of a poet
precisely to the proper point. For it was not thy purpose to assume the
functions of a prophet, to which thou hadst no claim. I suppose also he
was restrained by a sense of the danger which threatened one who should
assail the credit of ancient religious practice. Cautiously, therefore,
and securely, as far as possible, he presents the truth to those who
have faculties to understand it; and while he denounces the munitions
and conflicts of war (9) (which indeed are still to be found in the
course of human life), he describes our Saviour as proceeding to the war
against Troy, understanding by Troy the world itself. (10) And surely
he did maintain the struggle against the opposing powers of evil, sent
on that mission both by the designs of his own providence and the
commandment of his Almighty Father. How, then, does the poet proceed?
But when to ripen'd manhood he shall grow,
that is, when, having arrived at the age of manhood, he shall utterly
remove the evils which encompass the path of human life, and tranquilize
the world by the blessings of peace
The greedy sailor shall the seas forego;
No keel shall cut the waves for foreign ware,
For every soil shall every product bear.
The laboring hind his oxen shall disjoin;
But the luxurious father of the fold,
With native purple, and unborrow'd gold,
Beneath his pompous fleece shall proudly sweat;
And under Tyrian robes the lamb shall bleat.
Mature in years, to ready honors move,
O of celestial seed, O foster son of Jove!
See, laboring nature calls thee to sustain
The nodding flame of heaven, and earth, and main! See to their base
restored earth seas, and air;
And joyful ages, from behind, in crowing ranks appear. To ring thy
praise, would heaven my breath prolong. Infusing spirits worthy such a
song,
Not Thracian Orpheus should transcend my lays,
Nor Linus, crown'd with never-fading bays;
Though each his heavenly parent should inspire;
The Muse instruct the voice, and Phoebus tune the lyre. Should Pan
contend in verse, and thou my theme, Arcadian judges should their God
condemn. (11)
Behold (says he) how the mighty world and the elements together
manifest their joy.
CHAPTER XXI.
That these Things cannot have been spoken of
a Mere Man: and that Unbelievers, owing to their Ignorance of Religion,
know not even the Origin of their own Existence.
IT may be some will foolishly suppose that these
words were spoken of the birth of a mere ordinary mortal. But if this
were all, what reason could there be that the earth should need neither
seed nor plough, that the vine should require no pruning-hook, or other
means of culture? How can we suppose these things to be spoken of a mere
mortal's birth? For nature is the minister of the Divine will not an
instrument obedient to the command of man. Indeed, the very joy of the
elements indicates the advent of God, not the conception of a human
being. The prayer, too, of the poet that his life might be prolonged is
a proof of the Divinity of him whom he invoked; for we desire life and
preservation from God, and not from man. Indeed, the Erythraean Sibyl
thus appeals to God: "Why, O Lord, dost thou compel me still to foretell
the future, and not rather remove me from this earth to await the
blessed day of thy coming?" And Maro adds to what he had said before:
578
Begin, sweet boy! with smiles thy mother know,
Who ten long months did with thy burden go.
No mortal parents smiled upon thy birth:
No nuptial joy thou know'st, no feast of earth.
How could his parents have smiled on him? For his Father (1) is God,
who is a Power without sensible quality, (2) existing, not in any
definite shape, but as comprehending other beings, (3) and not,
therefore, in a human body. And who knows not that the Holy Spirit has
no participation in the nuptial union? For what desire can exist in the
disposition of that good which all things rise desire? What fellowship,
in short, can wisdom hold with pleasure? But let these arguments be left
to those who ascribe to him a human origin, and who care not to purify
themselves from all evil in word as well as deed. On thee, Piety, I
call to aid my words, on thee who art the very law of purity, most
desirable of all blessings, teacher of holiest hope, assured promise of
immortality! Thee, Piety, and thee, Clemency, I adore. We who have
obtained thine aid (4) owe thee everlasting gratitude for thy healing
power. But the multitudes whom their innate hatred of thyself deprives
of thy succor, are equally estranged from God himself, and know not
that the very cause of their life and being, and that of all the
ungodly, is connected with the rightful worship of him who is Lord of
all: for the world itself is his, and all that it contains.
CHAPTER XXII.
The Emperor thankfully ascribes his Victories
and all other Blessings to Christ; and condemns the Conduct of the
Tyrant Maximin, the Violence of whose Persecution had enhanced the Glory
of Religion.
To thee, Piety, I ascribe the cause of my own
prosperity, and of all that I now possess. To this truth the happy issue
of all my endeavors
the great city itself allows with joy and praise. The people, too, of
that much-loved city accord in the same sentiment, though once, deceived
by ill-grounded hopes, they chose a ruler unworthy of themselves, (1) a
ruler who speedily received the chastisement which his audacious deeds
deserved. But be it far from me now to recall the memory of these
events, while hold-
gentle words. Yet will I say one thing, which hazy shall not be
unbefitting or unseemly. A furious, a cruel, and implacable war was
maintained by the tyrants against thee, Piety, and thy holy churches:
nor were there wanting some in Rome itself who exulted at a calamity so
grievous to the public weal. Nay, the battlefield was prepared; when
thou disdst stand forth, (2) and present thyself a voluntary victim,
supported by faith in God. Then indeed it was that the cruelty of
ungodly men, which raged incessantly like a devouring fire, wrought for
thee a wondrous and ever memorable glory. Astonish-merit seized the
spectators themselves, when they beheld the very executioners who
tortured the bodies of their holy victims wearied out, and disgusted at
the cruelties; (3) the bonds loosened, the engines of torture powerless,
the flames extinguished, while the sufferers preserved their constancy
unshaken even for a moment. What, then, hast thou gained by these
atrocious deeds, most impious of men? (4) And what was the cause of thy
insane fury? Thou wilt say, doubtless, these acts of thine were done in
honor of the gods. What gods are these? or what worthy conception hast
thou of the Divine nature? Thinkest thou the gods are subject to angry
passions as thou art? Were it so indeed, it had been better for thee to
wonder at their strange determination than obey their harsh command,
when they urged thee to the unrighteous slaughter of innocent men. Thou
wilt allege, perhaps, the customs of thy ancestors and the opinion of
mankind in general, as the cause of this conduct. I grant the fact: for
those customs are very like the acts themselves, and proceed from the
self-same source of folly. Thou thoughtest, it may be, that some
special power resided in images formed and fashioned by human art; and
hence thy reverence, and diligent care lest they should be defiled:
those mighty and highly exalted gods, thus dependent on the care of men!
CHAFFER XXIII.
Of Christian Conduct. That God is pleased
with those who lead a Life of Virtue: and that we must expect a Judgment
and Future Retribution.
COMPARE our religion with your own. Is
579
there not with us genuine concord, and un-
we not exercise,, not only sincere faith towards God, but fidelity in
the relations of social life? Do we not pity the unfortunate? Is not
ours a life of simplicity which disdains to cover evil beneath the mask
of fraud and hypocrisy? Do we not acknowledge the true God, and his un-
is the life of wisdom; and they who have it are travelers, as it were,
on a noble road which
the pollutions of the body, does not wholly die: rather may he be said
to complete the service appointed him by God, than to die. Again, he who
confesses allegiance to God is not easily overborne by insolence or
rage, but nobly stands under the pressure of necessity and the trial of
his constancy is as it were, a passport to the favor of God. For we
cannot doubt that the Deity is pleased with excellence in human conduct.
For it would be absurd indeed if the powerful and the humble alike
acknowledge gratitude to those from whose services they receive
benefit, and repay them by services in return, and yet that he who is
supreme and sovereign of all, nay, who is Good itself should be
negligent in this respect. Rather does he follow us throughout the
course of our lives, is near us in every act of goodness, accepts, and
at once rewards our virtue and obedience; though he defers the full
recompense to that future period, when the actions of our lives shall
pass under his review and when those who are clear in that account shall
receive the reward of everlasting life, while the wicked shall be
visited with the penalties due to their crimes.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Of Decius, Valerian, and Aurelian who
experienced a Miserable End in consequence of their Persecution of the
Church.
To thee, Decius, (1) I now appeal, who has trampled
with insult on the labors of the righteous: to thee, the hater of the
Church, the punisher of those who lived a holy life: what is now thy
condition after death? How hard and wretched thy present
circumstances! Nay, the
thy miserable fate, when overthrown with all thine army on the plains
of Scythia, thou didst expose the vaunted power of Rome to the contempt
of the Goths. Thou, too, Valerian, who didst manifest the same spirit of
cruelty towards the servants of God, hast afforded an example of
righteous judgment. A captive in the enemies' hands, led in chains while
yet arrayed in the purple and imperial attire, and at last thy skin
stripped from thee, and preserved by command of Sapor the Persian king,
thou hast left a perpetual trophy of thy calamity. And thou, Aurelian,
fierce perpetrator of every wrong, how signal was thy fall, when, in
the midst of thy wild career in Thrace, thou wast slain on the
CHAPTER XXV.
Of Diocletian, who ignobly abdicated (1) the
Imperial Throne, and was terrified by the Dread of Lightning for his
Persecution of the Church.
DIOCLETIAN, however, after the display of relentless
cruelty as a persecutor, evinced a consciousness of his own guilt and
owing to the affliction of a disordered mind, endured the confinement of
a mean and separate dwelling. (2) What then, did he gain by his active
hostility against our God? Simply this I believe, that he passed the
residue of his life in continual dread of the lightning's stroke.
Nicomedia attests the fact; eyewitnesses, of whom I myself am one,
declare it. The palace, and the emperor's private chamber were
destroyed, consumed by lightning, devoured by the fire of heaven. Men of
understanding hearts had indeed predicted the issue of such conduct;
for they could not keep silence, nor conceal their grief at such
unworthy deeds; but boldly and openly expressed their feeling, saying
one to another: "What madness is this? and what an insolent abuse of
power, that man should dare to fight against God; should deliberately
insult the most holy and just of alI religions; and plan, without the
slightest provocation, the destruction of so great a multitude of
righteous persons? O rare example of moderation to his subjects! Worthy
instructor of his army in the care and protection due to their
fellow-citizens! Men who had never seen the backs of a retreating army
plunged their swords into the breasts of their own countrymen!" So great
was the effusion of blood shed, that if shed in battle with barbarian
enemies, it had been sufficient to pur-
580
chase a perpetual peace. (3) At length, indeed, the providence of God
took vengeance on these unhallowed deeds; but not without severe damage
to the state. For the entire army of the emperor of whom I have just
spoken, becoming subject to the authority of a worthless person, (4) who
had violently usurped the supreme authority at Rome (when the
providence of God restored freedom to that great city), was destroyed in
several successive battles. And when we remember the cries with which
those who were oppressed, and who ardently longed for their native
liberty implored the help of God; and their praise and thanksgiving to
him on the removal of the evils under which they had groaned, when that
liberty was regained, and free and equitable intercourse restored: do
not these things every way afford convincing proofs of the providence
of God, and his affectionate regard for the interests of mankind?
CHAPTER XXVI.
The Emperor ascribes his Personal Piety to God;
and shows that we are bound to seek Success from God, an attribute it
to him; but to consider Mistakes as the Result of our own Negligence.
WHEN men commend my services, which owe their origin
to the inspiration of Heaven, do they not dearly establish the truth
that God is
the cause of the exploits I have performed? Assuredly they do: for it
belongs to God to do whatever is best, and to man,, to perform the
commands of God. I believe, indeed, the best and noblest course of
action is, when, before an attempt is made, we provide as far as
possible for a secure result: and surely all men know that the holy
service in which these hands have been employed has originated in pure
and genuine faith towards God; that whatever has been done for the
common welfare has been effected by active exertion combined with
supplication and prayer; the consequence of which has been as great an
amount of individual and public benefit as each could venture to hope
for himself and those he holds most dear. They have witnessed battles,
and have been spectators of a war in which the providence of God has
granted victory to this people: (1) they have seen how he has favored
and seconded our prayers. For righteous prayer is a thing invincible;
and no one fails to attain his object who addresses holy supplication to
God: nor is a refusal possible, except in the case of wavering faith;
(2) for God is ever favorable, ever ready to approve of human virtue.
While, therefore, it is natural for man occasionally to err, yet God is
not the cause
first for our own individual security and then for the happy posture of
public affairs: at the same time intreating the favor of Christ with
holy prayers and constant supplications, that he would continue to us
our present blessings. For he is the invincible ally and protector of
the righteous: he is the supreme judge of all things, the prince of
immorality, the Giver of everlasting life.
THE ORATION
EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS,
IN PRAISE OF
THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE.
PRONOUNCED ON
THE THIRTIETH ANNIVERSARY OF HIS REIGN.
I COME not forward prepared with a fictitious
narrative, nor with elegance of language to captivate the ear, desiring
to charm my hearers as it were, with a siren's voice; nor shall I
present the draught of pleasure in cups of gold decorated with lorry
flowers (I mean the graces of style) to those who are pleased with such
things. Rather would I follow the precepts of the wise, and admonish all
to avoid and turn aside from the beaten road, and keep themselves from
2 contact with the vulgar crowd. I come,
then, prepared to celebrate our emperor's
praises in a newer strain; and, though the
number be infinite of those who desire to be
my companions in my present task, I am re-
solved to shun the common track of men, (2) and
to pursue that untrodden path which it is unlawful
to enter on with unwashed feet. Let those who
admire a vulgar style, abounding in puerile subtleties, and who court a
pleasing and popular
muse, essay, since pleasure is the object they
have in view, to charm the earn of men by a
narrative of merely human merits. Those, how-
ever who are initiated into the universal science, (3)
and have attained to Divine as well as human
knowledge, and account the choice of the latter
as the real excellence, will prefer those virtues
of the emperor which Heaven itself approves,
and his pious actions, to his merely human
accomplishments; and will leave to inferior encomiasts the task of
celebrating his lesser
merits. For since our emperor is gifted as3
well with that sacred wisdom which has immediate reference to God, as
with the knowledge
which concerns the interests of men; let those
who are competent to such a task describe his
secular acquirements, great and transcendent as
they are, and fraught with advantage to man-
kind (for all that characterizes the emperor is
great and noble), yet still inferior to his diviner
qualifies, to those who stand without the
sacred precincts. Let those, however, who 4
are within the sanctuary, and have access to
its inmost and untrodden recesses, close the doors against every
profane ear, and unfold, as it were, the secret mysteries of our
emperors character to the initiated alone. And let those who have
purified their ears in the streams of piety, and raised their thoughts
on the soaring wing of the mind itself, join the company which surrounds
the Sovereign Lord of all, and
learn in silence the divine mysteries. Mean- 5
while let the sacred oracles, given, not by
the spirit of divination (or rather let me say of madness and folly),
but by the inspiration of
Divine truth, (4) be our instructors in these mysteries; speaking to us
of sovereignty, generally: the heavenly array which surrounds the Lord
of all; of that exemplar of imperial power which
582
is before us, and that counterfeit coin: and, lastly, of the
consequences which result from both. With these oracles, then, to
initiate us in the knowledge of the sacred rites, let us essay, as
follows, the commencement of our divine mysteries.
CHAPTER I.
The Oration.
1 TO-DAY iS the festival of our great emperor: and we his
children rejoice therein,
feeling the inspiration of our sacred theme. He who presides over our
solemnity is the Great Sovereign himself; he, I mean, who is truly
great; of whom I affirm (nor will the sovereign
who hears me be offended, but will rather ap-
repels the gaze of every eye from
his
Divine majesty. His ministers are the heavenly
hosts; his armies the supernal powers,
angels, the companies of archangels, the chorus of holy spirits, draw
from and reflect his radiance as from the fountains of everlasting
light. Yea every light, and specially those divine and incorporeal
intelligences whose place is beyond the heavenly sphere, celebrate this
august Sovereign with lofty and sacred strains of praise. The vast
expanse of heaven, like an azure veil is interposed between those
without, and those who inhabit his royal mansions: while round this
expanse the sun and moon, with the rest of the heavenly luminaries (like
torch-bearers around the entrance of the imperial palace), perform, in
honor of their sovereign, their appointed courses; holding forth, at
the word of his command, an ever-burning light to those whose lot is
cast in the darker regions with-
3 out the pale of heaven. And surely when
I remember that our own victorious emperor renders praises to
this Mighty Sovereign, I do well to follow him, knowing as I do that to
him alone we owe that imperial power under which we live. The
pious Caesars, instructed by their father's wisdom, acknowledge him as
the source of every blessing: the soldiery, the entire body of the
people, both in the country and in the cities of the empire, with the
governors of the several provinces, assembling together in accordance
with the precept of their great Saviour and Teacher,, worship him. In
short, the whole family of mankind, of every nation, tribe, and tongue,
both collectively and severally, however diverse their opinions on other
subjects, are unanimous in this one confession; and, in obedience to
the reason implanted in them, and the spontaneous and uninstructed
impulse of their own minds, unite in calling on
the One and only God. (2) Nay, does not the 4
universal frame of earth acknowledge him
her Lord, and declare, by the vegetable and animal life which she
produces her subjection to the will of a superior Power? The rivers,
flowing with abundant stream, and the perennial fountains, springing
from hidden and exhaust-less depths, ascribe to him the cause of their
marvellous source. The mighty waters of the
sea, enclosed in chambers of unfathomable ing currents of the winds,
and the airy courses
of the clouds, all reveal his presence to those to whom his Person is
invisible. The 5 all-radiant sun, who holds his constant career through
the lapse of ages, owns him Lord alone, and obedient to his will,
dares not depart from his appointed path. The inferior splendor of the
moon, alternatively diminished and increased at stated periods, is
subject to his Divine command. The beauteous mechanism of the heavens,
glittering with the hosts of stars, moving in harmonious order, and
preserving the measure of each several orbit, proclaims him the giver of
all light: yea, all the heavenly luminaries maintaining at his will and
word a grand and perfect unity of motion, pursue the track of their
ethereal career, and complete in the lapse of revolving ages their
distant course. The alternate recurrence of day and night, the changing
seasons, the order and proportion of the universe, all declare the
manifold wisdom of [his boundless power]. To him the unseen agencies
which hold their course throughout the expanse of space, render the due
tribute of praise. To him this terrestrial globe itself, to him the
heavens above, and the choirs beyond the vault of heaven, give honor as
to their mighty Sovereign: the angelic hosts greet him with
ineffable songs of Praise; and the spirits which draw their being from
incorporeal light, adore him as their Creator. The
583
everlasting ages which were before this heaven and earth, with other
periods beside them, infinite, and antecedent to all visible creation
acknowledge him the sole and supreme
6 Sovereign and Lord. Lastly, he who is in
all, before, and after all, [3] his only begotten,
pre-existent Word, the great High Priest of the mighty God, elder than
all time and every age, devoted to his Father's glory, first and alone
makes intercession with him for the salvation of mankind. [4] Supreme
and pre-eminent Ruler of the universe, he shares the glory of his
Father's kingdom: for he is that Light, which, transcendent above the
universe, encircles the Father's Person, interposing and dividing
between the eternal and uncreated Essence and all derived existence:
that Light which, streaming from on high, proceeds from that Deity who
knows not origin or end, and illumines the super-celestial regions, and
all that heaven itself contains, with the radiance of wisdom bright
beyond the splendor of the sun. This is he who holds a supreme dominion
over this whole world, [5] who is over and in all things, and pervades
all things [6] visible and invisible; the Word of God. From whom and by
whom our divinely favored emperor, receiving, as it were a transcript of
the Divine sovereignty, directs, in imitation of God himself, the
administration of this world's affairs.
CHAPTER II.
1 THIS only begotten Word of God reigns,
from ages which had no beginning, to infinite and endless
ages, the partner of his Father's kingdom. And [our emperor] ever
beloved by him, who derives the source of imperial authority from above,
and is strong in the power of his sacred title, [1] has controlled the
empire of the world for a long period of years. Again, that Preserver
of the universe orders these heavens and earth, and the celestial
kingdom, consistently with his Father's will. Even so our emperor whom
he loves, by bringing those whom he rules on earth to the only begotten
Word and Saviour renders them fit subjects of his
3 kingdom. And as he who is the common
Saviour of mankind, by his invisible and
Divine power as the good shepherd, drives far
away from his flock, like savage beasts, those apostate spirits
which once flew through the airy tracts above this earth, and fastened
on the souls of men; [2] so this his friend, graced by his heavenly
favor with victory over all his foes, subdues and chastens the open
adversaries of the truth in accordance with the usages of
war. He who is the pre-existent Word, the 4
Preserver of all things, imparts to his disciples the seeds of true
wisdom and salvation, and at once enlightens and gives them
understanding in the knowledge of his Father's kingdom. Our emperor, his
friend, acting as interpreter to the Word of God, aims at recalling the
whole human race to the knowledge of God; proclaiming clearly in the
ears of all, and declaring with powerful voice the laws of truth and
godliness to all who dwell on the earth. Once more, the universal
Saviour opens the heavenly gates of his Father's kingdom to those whose
course is thitherward from this world. Our emperor, emulous of his
Divine example, having purged his earthly dominion from every stain of
impious error, invites each holy and pious worshiper within his imperial
mansions, earnestly desiring to save with all its crew that mighty
vessel of which he is the appointed pilot. And he alone of all who have
wielded the imperial power of Rome, being honored by the Supreme
Sovereign with a reign of three decennial periods, now celebrates this
festival, not,
his ancestors might have done, in honor of infernal demons, or the
apparitions of seducing spirits, or of the fraud and deceitful arts of
impious men; but as an act of thanksgiving to him by whom he has thus
been honored, and in acknowledgment of the blessings he has received at
his hands. He does not, in imitation of ancient usage, defile his
imperial mansions with blood and gore, nor propitiate the infernal
deities with fire and smoke, and sacrificial offerings; but dedicates to
the universal Sovereign a pleasant and acceptable sacrifice, even his
own imperial soul, and a mind truly fitted for the service of God. For
this sacrifice alone is grateful to him: and this sacrifice our emperor
has learned, with purified mind and thoughts, to present as an offering
without the intervention of fire and blood, while his own piety,
strengthened by the truthful doctrines with which his soul is stored,
he sets forth in magnificent language the praises of God, and
584
imitates his Divine philanthropy by his own imperial acts. Wholly
devoted to him, he dedicates himself as a noble offering, a first-fruit
of that world, the government of which is intrusted to his charge. This
first and greatest sacrifice our emperor first dedicates to God; and
then, as a faithful shepherd, he offers, not "famous hecatombs of
firstling lambs," but the souls of that flock which is the object of his
care, those rational beings whom he leads to the knowledge and pious
worship of God.
CHAPTER III.
1 AND gladly does he accept and welcome
this sacrifice, and commend the presenter
of so august and noble an offering, by protracting his reign to a
lengthened period of years, giving larger proofs of his beneficence in
proportion to the emperor's holy services to himself. Accordingly he
permits him to celebrate each successive festival during great and
general prosperity throughout the empire, advancing one of his sons, at
the recurrence of each decennial period, to a share of his own imperial
2 power. [1] The eldest, who bears his father's
name, he received as his partner in the empire about the
close of the first decade of his reign: the second, next in point of
age, at the second; and the third in like manner at the third decennial
period, the occasion of this our present festival. And now that the
fourth period has commenced, and the time of his reign is still further
prolonged, he desires to extend his imperial authority by calling still
more of his kindred to partake his power; and, by the appointment of the
Caesars, [2] fulfills the predictions
of the holy prophets, according to what they
uttered ages before: "And the saints of the Most High shall take the
kingdom." [3] And thus the Almighty Sovereign himself accords an
increase both of years and of children to our most pious emperor, and
renders his sway over the nations of the world still fresh and
flourishing, as though it were even now springing up in its earliest
vigor. He it is who appoints him this present festival, in that he has
made him victorious over every enemy that disturbed his peace:
he it is who displays him as an example of
4 true godliness to the human race. And
thus our emperor, like the radiant sun, illuminates the most
distant subjects of his empire
through the presence of the Caesars, as with the far piercing rays of
his own brightness. To us who occupy the eastern regions he has given a
son worthy of himself; [4] a second and a third respectively to other
departments of his empire, to be, as it were, brilliant reflectors of
the light which proceeds from himself. Once more, having harnessed, as
it were, under the self-same yoke the four most noble Caesars [5] as
horses in the imperial chariot, he sits on high and directs their course
by the reins of holy harmony and concord; and, himself every where
present, and observant of every event, thus traverses every
region of the world. Lastly, invested as he 5 is with a semblance of
heavenly sovereignty, he directs his gaze above, and frames his earthly
government according to the pattern of that Divine original, feeling
strength in its conformity to the monarchy of God. And this conformity
is granted by the universal Sovereign to man alone of the creatures of
this earth: for he only is the author of sovereign power, who decrees
that all should be subject to the rule of one.
And surely monarchy far transcends every 6 other constitution and form
of government: for that democratic equality of power, which is its
opposite, may rather be described as anarchy and disorder. Hence there
is one God, and not two, or three, or more: for to assert a plurality of
gods is plainly to deny the being of God at all. There is one
Sovereign; and his Word and royal Law is one: a Law not expressed in
syllables and words, not written or engraved on tablets, and therefore
subject to the ravages of time; but the living and self-subsisting Word,
who himself is God, and who administers his Father's kingdom on behalf
of all who are after him
and subject to his power. His attendants are 7 the heavenly hosts; the
myriads of God's angelic ministers; the super-terrestrial armies, of
unnumbered multitude; and those unseen spirits within heaven itself,
whose agency is employed in regulating the order of this world. Ruler
and chief of all these is the royal Word, acting as Regent of the
Supreme Sovereign. To him the names of Captain, and great High Priest,
Prophet of the Father, Angel of mighty counsel, Brightness of the
Father's light, Only begotten Son, with a thousand other titles, are
ascribed in the oracles of the sacred writers. And the Father, having
constituted him the living Word, and Law and Wisdom the fullness of all
blessing, has presented this best and greatest gift to all who are the
subjects of his sovereignty. And he himself, who pervades 8
all things, and is every where present, un-
folding his Father's bounties to all with unsparing hand, has accorded
a specimen of his sov-
585
ereign power even to his rational creatures of this earth, in that he
has provided the mind of man, who is formed after his own image, with
Divine faculties, whence it is capable of other virtues also, which flow
from the same heavenly source. For he only is wise, who is the only
God: he only is essentially good: he only is of mighty power, the
Parent of justice, the Father of reason and wisdom, the Fountain of
light and life, the Dispenser of truth and virtue: in a word, the Author
of empire itself, and of all dominion and power.
CHAPTER IV.
1 BUT whence has man this knowledge, and
who has ministered these truths to mortal
ears? Or whence has a tongue of flesh the power to speak of things so
utterly distinct from fleshly or material substance? Who has gazed on
the invisible King, and beheld these perfections in him? The bodily
sense may comprehend elements and their combinations, of a nature
kindred to its own: but no one yet has boasted to have scanned with
corporeal eye that unseen kingdom which governs all things nor has
mortal nature yet discerned the beauty of perfect wisdom. Who has beheld
the face of righteousness through the medium of flesh? And whence came
the idea of legitimate sovereignty and imperial power to man? Whence
the thought of absolute dominion to a being composed of flesh and
blood? Who declared those ideas which are invisible and undefined, and
that incorporeal essence which has no external form, to the mortals of
this earth?
2 Surely there was but one interpreter of
these things; the all-pervading Word of
God. [1] For he is the author of that rational and
intelligent being which exists in man; and, being
himself one with his Father's Divine nature, he
sheds upon his offspring the out-flowings of his
Father's bounty. Hence the natural and un-
taught powers of thought, which all men, Greeks
or Barbarians, alike possess: hence the perception of reason and
wisdom, the seeds of integrity and righteousness, the understanding of
the
arts of life, the knowledge of virtue, the precious
name of wisdom, and the noble love of philosophic learning. Hence the
knowledge of all
that is great and good: hence apprehension of
God himself, and a life worthy of his worship:
hence the royal authority of man, and his invincible lordship over the
creatures of this
world. And when that Word, who is the
Parent of rational beings, had impressed a character
on the mind of man according to the image and likeness of God, [2] and
had made him a royal creature, in that he gave him alone of all earthly
creatures capacity to rule and to obey (as well as forethought and
foreknowledge even here, concerning the promised hope of his heavenly
kingdom, because of which he himself came, and, as the Parent of his
children, disdained not to hold converse with mortal men); he continued
to cherish the seeds which himself had sown, and renewed his gracious
favors from above; holding forth to all the promise of sharing his
heavenly kingdom. Accordingly he called men, and exhorted them to be
ready for their heavenward journey, and to provide themselves with the
garment which became their calling. And by an indescribable power he
filled the world in every part with his doctrine, expressing by the
similitude of an earthly kingdom that heavenly one to which he earnestly
invites all mankind, and presents it to them as a worthy object of
their hope.
CHAPTER V.
AND in this hope our divinely-favored 1
emperor partakes even in this present life,
gifted as he is by God with native virtues, and having received into
his soul the out-flowings of his favor. His reason he derives from the
great Source of all reason: he is wise, and good, and just, as having
fellowship with perfect Wisdom, Goodness, and Righteousness: virtuous,
as following the pattern of perfect virtue: valiant,
as partaking of heavenly strength. And 2 truly may he deserve the
imperial title, who has formed his soul to royal virtues, according to
the standard of that celestial kingdom. But he who is a stranger to
these blessings, who denies the Sovereign of the universe, and owns no
allegiance to the heavenly Father of spirits; who invests not himself
with the virtues which become , an emperor, but overlays his soul with
moral deformity and baseness; who for royal clemency substitutes the
fury of a savage beast; for a generous temper, the incurable venom of
malicious wickedness; for prudence, folly; for reason and wisdom, that
recklessness which is the most odious of all vices, for from it, as from
a spring of bitterness, proceed the most pernicious fruits; such as
inveterate profligacy of life, covetousness, murder, impiety and
defiance of God; surely one abandoned to; such vices as these, however
he may be deemed powerful through despotic violence, has no true title
to the name
of Emperor. For how should he whose soul 3 is impressed with a thousand
absurd images of
586
false deities, [1] be able to exhibit a counterpart of the true and
heavenly sovereignty? Or how can he be absolute lord of others, who has
subjected himself to the dominion of a thousand cruel masters? a slave
of low delights and un-governed lust, a slave of wrongfully-extorted
wealth, of rage and passion, as well as of cowardice and terror; a slave
of ruthless demons, and soul-destroying spirits? Let then, our emperor,
on the testimony of truth itself, be declared alone worthy of the
title; who is dear to the Supreme Sovereign himself; who alone is free,
nay, who is truly lord: above the thirst of wealth, superior to sexual
desire; victorious even over natural pleasures; controlling, not
controlled by, anger and passion. [2] He is indeed an emperor, and bears
a title corresponding to his deeds; a VICTOR in truth, who has gained
the victory over those passions which overmaster the rest of men: whose
character is formed after the Divine original a of the Supreme
Sovereign, and whose mind reflects, as in a mirror, the radiance of his
virtues. Hence is our emperor perfect in discretion, in goodness, in
justice, in courage, in piety, in devotion to God: he truly and only is
a philosopher, since he knows himself, and is fully aware that supplies
of every blessing are showered on him from a source quite external to
himself, even from heaven itself. Declaring the august title of supreme
authority by the splendor of his vesture, he alone worthily wears that
imperial purple which so well becomes
5 him. He is indeed an emperor, who calls
on and implores in prayer the favor of his
heavenly Father night and day, and whose ardent
desires are fixed on his celestial kingdom. For he knows that present
things, subject as they are to decay and death, flowing on and
disappearing like a river's stream, are not worthy to be compared with
him who is sovereign of all; therefore it is that he longs for the
incorruptible and incorporeal kingdom of God. And this kingdom he trusts
he shall obtain, elevating his mind as he does in sublimity of thought
above the vault of heaven, and filled with inexpressible longing for
the glories which shine there, in comparison with which he deems the
precious things of this present world but darkness. For he sees earthly
sovereignty to be but a petty and fleeting dominion over a mortal and
temporary life, and rates it not much higher than the goatherd's, or
shepherd's, or herdsman's power: nay, as more burdensome than theirs,
and exercised over more stubborn subjects. The acclamations of the
people, and the voice of flattery, he reckons rather troublesome than
pleasing, because of the steady constancy of his character, and genuine
discipline of his
mind. Again, when he beholds the mili- 6 tary service of his subjects,
the vast array of his armies, the multitudes of horse and foot, entirely
devoted to his command, he feels no astonishment, no pride at the
possession of such mighty power; but turns his thoughts inward on
himself, and recognizes the same common nature there. He smiles at his
vesture, embroidered with gold and flowers, and at the imperial purple
and diadem itself, when he sees the multitude gaze in wonder, like
children at a bugbear, on the splendid spectacle. [4] Himself superior
to such feelings, he clothes his soul with the knowledge of God, that
vesture, the broidery of which is temperance, righteousness, piety, and
all other virtues; a vesture
such as truly becomes a sovereign. The 7 wealth which others so much
desire, as gold, silver, or precious gems, he regards to be, as they
really are, in themselves mere stones and worthless matter, of no avail
to preserve or defend from evil. For what power have these things to
free from disease, or repel the approach of death? And knowing as he
does this truth by personal experience in the use of these things, he
regards the splendid attire of his subjects with calm indifference, and
smiles at the childishness of those to whom they prove attractive.
Lastly, he abstains from all excess in food and wine, and leaves
superfluous dainties to gluttons, judging that such indulgences, I
however suitable to others, are not so to him, and
deeply convinced of their pernicious tendency, and their effect in
darkening the intellectual powers of the soul. For all these reasons, 8
587
our divinely taught and noble-minded emperor, aspiring to higher
objects than this life affords, calls upon his heavenly Father as one
who longs for his kingdom; exhibits a pious spirit in each action of his
life; and finally, as a wise and good instructor, imparts to his
subjects the knowledge of him who is the Sovereign Lord of all.
CHAPTER VI.
1 AND God himself, as an earnest of future
reward, assigns to him now as it were tricennial crowns
[1] composed of prosperous periods of time; and now, after the
revolution of three circles of ten years, he grants permission to
all mankind to celebrate this general, nay rather, this universal
festival. And while those on earth thus rejoice, crowned as it were with
the flowers of divine knowledge, surely, we may not unduly suppose that
the heavenly choirs, attracted by a natural sympathy, unite their joy
with the joy of those on earth: nay, that the Supreme Sovereign
himself, as a gracious father, delights in the worship of duteous
children, and for this reason is pleased to honor the author and cause
of their obedience through a lengthened period of time; and, far from
limiting his reign to three decennial circles of years, he extends it to
the remotest period, even to far distant eternity. Now eternity [2] in
its whole extent is beyond the power of decline or death: its beginning
and extent alike incapable of being scanned by mortal thoughts. Nor
will it suffer its central point to be perceived, nor that which is
termed its present duration to be grasped by the inquiring mind. Far
less, then, the future, or the past: for the one is not, but is already
gone; while the future has not yet arrived, and therefore is not. As
regards what is termed the present time, it vanishes even as we think
or speak, more swiftly than the word itself is uttered. Nor is it
possible in any sense to apprehend this time as present; for we must
either expect the future, or contemplate the past; the present slips
from us, and is gone, even in the act of thought. Eternity, then, in
its whole extent,
resists and refuses subjection to mortal rea-
4 son. But it does not refuse to acknowledge
its own Sovereign and Lord, [3] and bears him
as it were mounted on itself, rejoicing in the
fair trappings which he bestows. [4] And he himself, not binding it, as
the poet imagined, with a golden chain, [5] but as it were controlling
its movements by the reins of ineffable wisdom, has adjusted its months
and seasons, its times and years, and the alterations of day and night,
with perfect harmony, and has thus attached to it limits and
measures of various kinds. For eternity, being in its nature direct, and
stretching onward into infinity, and receiving its name, eternity, as
having an everlasting existence, [6] and being similar in all its
parts, or rather having no division or distance, progresses only in a
line of direct extension. But God, who has distributed it by
intermediate sections, and has divided it, like a far extended line, in
many points, has included in it a vast number of portions; and though it
is in its nature one, and resembles unity itself, he has attached to it
a multiplicity of numbers, and has given it, though formless in itself,
an endless variety of forms
For first of all he framed in it formless matter 5, as a substance
capable of receiving all forms. He next, by the power of the number two,
imparted quality to matter, and gave beauty to that which before was
void of all grace. Again, by means of the number three, he framed a
body compounded of matter and form, and presenting the three dimensions
of breadth, and length, and depth. Then, from the doubling of the number
two, he devised the quaternion of the elements, earth, water, air, and
fire, and ordained them to be everlasting sources for the supply of
this universe. Again, the number four produces the number ten. For the
aggregate of one, and two, and three, and four, is ten. [7] And three
multiplied with ten discovers the period of a month: and twelve
successive months complete the course of the sun. Hence the revolutions
of years, and changes of the seasons, which give grace, like variety of
color in painting, to that eternity which before was formless and
devoid of beauty, for the refreshment and delight of those whose lot it
is to traverse
therein the course of life. For as the ground 6
is defined by stated distances for those who
run in hope of obtaining the prize; and as the road of those who travel
on a distant journey is marked by resting-places and measured intervals,
that the traveler's courage may not fail at the interminable prospect;
even so the Sovereign of the universe, controlling eternity itself
within
588
the restraining power of his own wisdom, directs
and turns its course as he judges best. The
same God, I say, who thus clothes the once un-
defined eternity as with fair colors and blooming flowers, gladdens the
day with the solar
rays; and, while he overspreads the night with
a covering of darkness, yet causes the glittering
stars, as golden spangles, to shine therein. It
is he who lights up the brilliancy of the morning
stab the changing splendor of the moon, and
the glorious companies of the starry host, and
has arrayed the expanse of heaven, like some
vast mantle, in colors of varied beauty. Again,
having created the lofty and profound expanse
of air, and caused the world in its length and
breadth to feel its cooling influence, he decreed
that the air itself should be graced with birds of
every kind, and left open this vast ocean of space
to be traversed by every creature, visible or
invisible, whose course is through the tracts of
heaven. In the midst of this atmosphere he
poised the earth, as it were its center, and en-
compassed it with the ocean as with a beautiful 7 azure
vesture. Having ordained this
earth to be at once the home, the nurse,
and the mother of all the creatures it contains, and watered it both
with rain and water-springs, he caused it to abound in plants and
flowers of every species, for the enjoyment of life. And when he had
formed man in his own likeness, the noblest of earthly creatures, and
dearest to himself, a creature gifted with intellect and knowledge, the
child of reason and wisdom, he gave him dominion over all other animals
which move and live upon the earth. For man was in truth of all earthly
creatures the dearest to God: man, I say, to whom, as an indulgent
Father, he has subjected the brute creation; for whom he has made the
ocean navigable, and crowned the earth with a profusion of plants of
every kind; to whom he has granted reasoning faculties for acquiring all
science; under whose control he has placed even the creatures of the
deep, and the winged inhabitants of the air; to whom he has permitted
the contemplation of celestial objects, and revealed the course and
changes of the sun and moon, and the periods of the planets and fixed
stars. In short, to man alone of earthly beings has he given
commandment to acknowledge him as his heavenly Father,
and to celebrate his praises as the Supreme
8 Sovereign of eternity itself. But the un-
changeable course of eternity the Creator
has limited by the four seasons of the year, terminating the winter by
the approach of spring, and regulating as with an equal balance that
season which commences the annual period. Having thus graced the eternal
course of time with the varied productions of spring, he added the
summer's heat; and then granted as it were
a relief of toil by the interval of autumn: and
lastly, refreshing and cleansing the season by the
showers of winter, he brings it, rendered sleek
land glossy, like a noble steed, by these abundant rains, once more to
the gates of spring.
As soon, then, as the Supreme Sovereign 9
had thus connected his own eternity by
these cords of wisdom with the annual circle, he committed it to the
guidance of a mighty Governor, even his only begotten Word, to whom, as
the Preserver of all creation, he yielded the reins of universal power.
And he, receiving this inheritance as from a beneficent Father, and
uniting all things both above and beneath the circumference of heaven in
one harmonious whole, directs their uniform course; providing with
perfect justice whatever is expedient for his rational creatures on the
earth, appointing its allotted limits to human life, and granting to all
alike permission to anticipate even here the commencement of a future
existence. For he has taught them that beyond this present world there
is a divine and blessed state of being, reserved for those who have
been supported here by the hope of heavenly blessings; and that those
who have lived a virtuous and godly life will remove hence to a far
better habitation; while he adjudges to those who have been guilty and
wicked here a place of punishment ac-
cording to their crimes. Again, as in the 10
distribution of prizes at the public games,
he proclaims various crowns to the victors, and invests each with the
rewards of different virtues: but for our good emperor, who is clothed
in the very robe of piety, he declares that a higher recompense of his
toils is prepared; and, as a prelude to this recompense, permits us now
to assemble at this festival, which is composed_ of perfect numbers, of
decades thrice, and
triads ten times repeated. The first of 11
these, the triad, is the offspring of the unit,
while the unit is the mother of number itself, and presides over all
months, and seasons, and years, and every period of time. It may,
indeed, be justly termed the origin, foundation, and principle of all
number, and derives its name from its abiding character. [8] For, while
every other number is diminished or increased according to the
subtraction or addition of others, the unit alone continues fixed and
steadfast, abstracted from all multitude and the numbers which are
formed from it, and resembling that indivisible essence which is
distinct from all things beside, but by virtue of participation in which
the nature
of all things else subsists. For the unit is 12
the originator of every number, since all
589
multitude is made up by the composition and addition of units; nor is
it possible without the unit to conceive the existence of number at all.
But the unit itself is independent of multitude, apart from and
superior to all number; forming, indeed, and making all, but receiving
13 no increase from any. Kindred to this is
the triad; equally indivisible and perfect,
the first of those sums which are formed of even and uneven numbers.
For the perfect number two, receiving the addition of the unit, forms
the triad, the first perfect compound number. And the triad, by
explaining what equality is, first taught men justice, having itself an
equal beginning, and middle, and end. And it is also an image of the
mysterious, most holy, and royal Trinity, which, though itself without
beginning or origin, yet contains the germs, the reasons, and causes of
the existence of all created
14 things. Thus the power of the triad may
justly be regarded as the first cause of all
things. Again, the number ten, which contains the end of all numbers,
and terminates them in itself, may truly be called a full and perfect
number, as comprehending every species and every measure of numbers,
proportions, concords, and harmonies. For example, the units by addition
form and are terminated by the number ten; and, having this number as
their parent, and as it were the limit of their course they round this
as the goal of their career.
15 Then they perform a second circuit, and
again a third, and a fourth, until the tenth
and thus by ten decades they complete the hundredth number. Returning
thence to the first starting point, they again proceed to the number
ten, and having ten times completed the hundredth number, again they
recede, and perform round the same barriers their protracted course,
proceeding from themselves back to themselves again, with revolving
motion. For the unit is the tenth of ten, and ten units make up a
decade, which is itself the limit, the settled goal and boundary of
units: it is that which terminates the infinity of number; the term and
end of units. Again, the triad combined with the decade, and performing
a threefold circuit of tens, produces that most natural number, thirty.
For as the triad is in respect to units, so is the number thirty in
17 respect to tens. It is also the constant
limit to the course of that luminary which
is second to the sun in brightness. For the course of the moon from one
conjunction with the sun to the next, completes the period of a month;
after which, receiving as it were a second birth, it recommences a new
light, and other days, being adorned and honored with thirty
18 units, three decades, and ten triads. In the
same manner is the universal reign of our
victorious emperor distinguished by the giver of all good, and now
enters on a new sphere of blessing, accomplishing, at present, this
tricennalian festival, but reaching forward beyond this to far more
distant intervals of time, and cherishing the hope of future blessings
in the celestial kingdom; where, not a single sun, but infinite hosts of
light surround the Almighty Sovereign, each surpassing the splendor of
the sun, glorious and resplendent with rays derived from the
everlasting source of light. There the soul enjoys its existence,
surrounded by fair and unfading blessings; there is a life beyond the
reach of sorrow; there the enjoyment of pure and holy pleasures, and a
time of un-measured and endless duration, extending into illimitable
space; not defined by intervals of days and months, the
revolutions of years, or the recurrence of times and seasons, but
commensurate with a life which knows no end. And this life needs not the
light of the sun, nor the lustre of the moon or the starry host, since
it has the great Luminary himself, even God the Word, the only begotten
Son of the Almighty Sovereign. Hence it is that the mystic and sacred
oracles reveal him to be the Sun of righteousness, and the Light which
far transcends all light. We believe that he illumines also the
thrice-blessed powers of heaven with the rays of righteousness, and the
brightness of wisdom, and that he receives truly pious souls, not within
the sphere of heaven alone, but into his own bosom, and confirms indeed
the assurances which he himself has given. No mortal eye has seen, nor
ear heard, nor can the mind in its vesture of flesh understand what
things are prepared for those who have been here adorned with the
graces of godliness; blessings which await thee too, most pious
emperor, to whom alone since the world began has the Almighty Sovereign
of the universe granted power to purify the course of human life: to
whom also he has revealed his own symbol of salvation, whereby he
overcame the power of death, and triumphed over every enemy. And this
victorious trophy, the scourge of evil spirits, thou hast arrayed
against the errors of idol worship, and hast obtained the victory not
only over all thy impious and savage foes, but over equally barbarous
adversaries, the evil spirits themselves.
CHAPTER VII.
FOR whereas we are composed of two distinct natures,
I mean of body and spirit,
of which the one is visible to all, the other i
invisible, against both these natures two kinds
of barbarous and savage enemies, the one invisibly, the other openly,
are constantly arrayed.
590
The one oppose our bodies with bodily force
the other with incorporeal assaults besiege the naked soul itself.
Again, the visible barbarians, like the wild nomad tribes, no better
than savage beasts, assail the nations of civilized men, ravage their
country, and enslave their cities, rushing on those who inhabit them
like ruthless wolves of the desert, and destroying all who fall under
their power. But those unseen foes, more cruel far than barbarians, I
mean the soul-destroying demons whose course is through the regions of
the air, had succeeded, through the snares of vile polytheism, in
enslaving the entire human race, insomuch that they no longer recognized
the true God, but wandered in the mazes of atheistic error. For they
procured, I know not whence, gods who never anywhere
existed, and set him aside who is the only
and the true God, as though he were not. Accordingly the generation of
bodies was esteemed by them a deity, and so the opposite principle to
this, their dissolution and destruction, was also deified. The first, as
the author of generative power, was honored with rites under the name
of Venus: [1] the second, as rich, and mighty in dominion over the
human race, received the names of Pluto, and Death. For men in those
ages, knowing no other than naturally generated life, declared the cause
and origin of that life to be divine: and again, believing in no
existence after death, they proclaimed Death himself a universal
conqueror and a mighty god. Hence, unconscious of responsibility, as
destined to be annihilated by death, they lived a life unworthy of the
name, in the practice of actions deserving a thousand deaths. No thought
of God could enter their minds, no expectation of Divine judgment, no
recollection of, no reflection on, their spiritual existence:
acknowledging one dread superior, Death, and persuaded that the
dissolution of their bodies by his power was final annihilation, they
bestowed on Death the title of a mighty, a wealthy god, and hence the
name of Pluto. [2] Thus, then, Death became to them a god; nor only so,
but
whatever else they accounted precious in
comparison with death, whatever contributed to
4 the luxuries of life. Hence animal pleasure
became to them a god; nutrition, and its
production, a god; the fruit of trees, a god; drunken riot, a god;
carnal desire and pleasure, a god. Hence the mysteries of Ceres and
Proserpine, the rape of the latter, and her subsequent restoration, by
Pluto: hence the orgies of Bacchus, and Hercules overcome by drunkenness
as by a mightier god: hence the adulterous rites of Cupid and of Venus:
hence Jupiter him-
self infatuated with the love of women, and of Ganymede: [8] hence the
licentious legends of deities abandoned to effeminacy and pleasure. Such
were the weapons of superstition 5
whereby these cruel barbarians and enemies
of the Supreme God afflicted, and indeed entirely subdued, the human
race; erecting everywhere the monuments of impiety, and rearing in every
corner the shrines and temples of
their false religion. Nay, so far were the 6
ruling powers of those times enslaved by
the force of error, as to appease their gods with the blood of their
own countrymen and kindred; to whet their swords against those who stood
forward to defend the truth; to maintain a ruthless war and raise
unholy hands, not against foreign or barbarian foes, but against men l
bound to them by the ties of family and affection, against brethren, and
kinsmen, and dearest friends, who had resolved, in the practice of
virtue and true piety, to honor and worship
God. Such was the spirit of madness with 7
which these princes sacrificed to their de-
mon deities men consecrated to the service of
the King of kings. On the other hand their
victims, as noble martyrs in the cause of true
godliness, resolved to welcome a glorious death
in preference to life itself, and utterly despised
these cruelties. Strengthened, as soldiers of
God, with patient fortitude, they mocked at
death in all its forms; at fire, and sword, and
the torment of crucifixion; at exposure to savage beasts, and drowning
in the depths of the
sea; at the cutting off and searing of limbs, the
digging out of eyes, the mutilation of the whole
body; lastly, at famine, the labor of the mines,
and captivity: nay, all these sufferings they
counted better than any earthly good or pleasure, for the love they
bore their heavenly King.
In like manner women also evinced a spirit of
constancy and courage not inferior to that
of men. Some endured the same conflicts 8
with them, and obtained a like reward of
their virtue: others, forcibly carried off to be the victims of
violence and pollution, welcomed death rather than dishonor; while many,
very many more, endured not even to hear the same threats wherewith
they were assailed by the provincial governors, but boldly sustained
every variety of torture, and sentence of death in every form? Thus did
these valiant soldiers of the Almighty Sovereign maintain the conflict
with steadfast fortitude of soul against the hostile forces of
polytheism: and thus did these enemies of God and adversaries of man's
salvation, more cruel far than the ferocious savage, delight in
libations of human blood: thus did
591
their ministers drain as it were the cup of un-righteous slaughter in
honor of the demons whom they served, and prepare for them this
dread and impious banquet, to the ruin of
9 the human race. In these sad circum-
stances, what course should the God and
King of these afflicted ones pursue? Could he be careless of the safety
of his dearest friends or abandon his servants in this great extremity?
Surely none could deem him a wary pilot, who, without an effort to save
his fellow-mariners should suffer his vessel to sink with all her crew:
surely no general could be found so reckless as to yield his own allies,
without resistance, to the mercy of the foe: nor can a faithful
shepherd regard with unconcern the straying of a single sheep from his
flock, but will rather leave the rest in safety, and dare all things for
the wanderer's sake, even, if need be, to contend
10 with savage beasts. The zeal, however, of
the great Sovereign of all was for no unconscious [5]
sheep: his care was exercised for his own faithful host, for those who
sustained the battle for his sake: whose conflicts in the cause of
godliness he himself approved, and honored those who had returned to his
presence with the prize of victory which he only can bestow, uniting
them to the angelic choirs. Others he still preserved on earth, to
communicate the living seeds of piety to future generations; to be at
once eye-witnesses of his vengeance on the ungodly, and narrators
11 of the events. After this he outstretched
his arm in judgment on the adversaries, and
utterly destroyed them with the stroke of Divine wrath, compelling
them, how reluctant soever to confess with their own lips and recant
their wickedness, but raising from the ground and
exalting gloriously those who had long been
12 oppressed and disclaimed by all. Such
were the dealings of the Supreme Sovereign, who ordained
an invincible champion to be the minister of his heaven-sent vengeance
(for our emperor's surpassing piety delights in the title of Servant of
God), and him he has, proved victorious over all that opposed him,
having raised him up, an individual against many foes. For they were
indeed numberless, being the friends of many evil spirits (though in
reality they were nothing, and hence are now no more); but our emperor
is one, appointed by, and the representative of, the one Almighty
Sovereign. And they, in the very spirit of impiety, destroyed the
righteous with cruel slaughter: but he, in imitation of his Saviour, and
knowing only how to save men's lives, has spared and instructed in
godliness the impious 13 themselves. And so, as truly worthy
the name of VICTOR, he has subdued the
twofold race of barbarians; soothing the savage tribes of men by
prudent embassies, compelling them to know and acknowledge their
superiors, and reclaiming them from a lawless and brutal life to the
governance of reason and humanity; at the same time that he proved by
the facts themselves that the fierce and ruthless race of unseen spirits
had long ago been vanquished by a higher power. For he who is the
preserver of the universe had punished these invisible spirits by an
invisible judgment: and our emperor, as the delegate of the Supreme
Sovereign, has followed up the victory, bearing away the spoils of those
who have long since died and mouldered into dust, and distributing the
plunder with lavish hand among the soldiers of his victorious Lord. [6]
CHAPTER VIII.
FOR as soon as he understood that the 1
ignorant multitudes were inspired with a
vain and childish dread of these bugbears of
error, wrought in gold and silver, he judged
it right to remove these also, like stumbling-
stones thrown in the path of men walking m
the dark, and henceforward to open a royal
road, plain and unobstructed, to all. Having 2 formed this resolution,
he considered
that no soldiers or military force of any sort
was needed for the repression of the evil: a
few of his own friends sufficed for this service,
and these he sent by a simple expression of
his will to visit each several province. Accordingly 3, sustained by
confidence in the
emperor's piety and their own personal devotion to God, they passed
through the midst of
numberless tribes and nations, abolishing this
ancient system of error in every city and country. They ordered the
priests themselves, in
the midst of general laughter and scorn, to
bring their gods from their dark recesses to the
light of day. They then stripped them of their
ornaments, and exhibited to the gaze of all the
unsightly reality which had been hidden beneath
a painted exterior: and lastly, whatever part of
the material appeared to be of value they scraped
off and melted in the fire to prove its worth,
after which they secured and set apart whatever
they judged needful for their purposes, leaving
to the superstitious worshipers what was altogether useless, as a
memorial of their
shame. Meanwhile our admirable prince 4
was himself engaged in a work similar to
that we have described. For at the same time that these costly images
of the dead were stripped, as we have said, of their precious
592
materials, he also attacked those composed of brass; causing those to
be dragged from their places with ropes, and, as it were, carried away
captive, whom the dotage of mythology had esteemed as gods. The next
care of our august emperor was to kindle, as it were, a brilliant torch,
by the light of which he directed his imperial gaze around, to see if
any hidden
5 vestiges of error might yet exist. And as
the keen-sighted eagle in its heavenward
flight is able to descry from its lofty height the most distant objects
on the earth: so did he whilst residing in the imperial palace of his
own fair city, discover, as from a watch-tower, a hidden and fatal snare
of souls in the province of Phoenicia. This was a grove and temple, not
situated in the midst of any city, or in any public place, as for
splendor of effect is generally 6 the case, but apart from the beaten
and frequented road, on part of the summit
of Mount Lebanon, and dedicated to the foul demon known by the name of
Venus. It was a school of wickedness for all the abandoned rotaries of
impurity and such as destroyed their bodies with effeminacy. Here men
undeserving the name forgot the dignity of their sex, and propitiated
the demon by their effeminate conduct: here too unlawful commerce of
women, and adulterous intercourse, with other horrible and infamous
practices, were perpetrated in this temple as in a place beyond the
scope and restraint of law.
Meantime these evils remained unchecked by the
presence of any observer, since no one of fair character ventured to
visit such scenes.
7 These proceedings, however, could not escape the vigilance of our
august emperor,
who, having himself inspected them with characteristic forethought, and
judging that such a temple was unfit for the light of heaven, gave
orders that the building with its offerings should be utterly destroyed.
Accordingly, in obedience to the imperial edict, these engines of an
impure superstition were immediately abolished, and the hand of
military force was made instrumental in purging the place. And now
those who had heretofore lived without restraint, learned, through the
imperial threat of punishment,
8 to practice self-control. Thus did our
emperor tear the mask from this system of
delusive wickedness, and expose it to the public gaze, at the same time
proclaiming openly his Saviour's name to all. No advocate appeared;
neither god nor demon, prophet nor diviner, could lend his aid to the
detected authors of the imposture. For the souls of men were no longer
enveloped in thick darkness: but enlightened by the rays of true
godliness, they deplored the ignorance and pitied the blindness of their
forefathers, rejoicing at the same time in their
own deliverance from such fatal error. [1]
Thus speedily, according to the counsel 9
of the mighty God, and through our emperor's agency, was every enemy,
whether visible or unseen, utterly removed: and henceforward peace, the
happy nurse of youth, extended her reign throughout the world. Wars were
no more, for the gods were not: no more did warfare in country or town,
no more did the effusion of human blood, distress mankind, as
heretofore, when demon-worship and the madness of idolatry prevailed.
CHAPTER IX.
AND now we may well compare the present 1 with former things, and
review these
happy changes in contrast with the evils that are past, and mark the
elaborate care with which in ancient times porches and sacred precincts,
groves and temples, were prepared in every city for these false
deities, and how their shrines
were enriched with abundant offerings. The 2 sovereign rulers of those
days had indeed a high regard for the worship of the gods. The nations
also and people subject to their power honored them with images both in
the country and in every city, nay, even in their houses and secret
chambers, according to the religious practice of their fathers. The
fruit, however, of this devotion, far different from the peaceful
concord which now meets our view, appeared in war, in battles, and
seditions, which harassed them throughout their lives, and deluged their
countries with blood and civil slaughter.
Again, the objects of their worship could 8 hold out to these
sovereigns with artful flattery the promise of prophecies, and oracles,
and the knowledge of futurity: yet could they not predict their own
destruction, nor forewarn themselves of the coming ruin: and surely this
was the greatest and most convincing proof of
their imposture. Not one of those whose 4
words once were heard with awe and wonder, had announced the glorious
advent of the Saviour of mankind, [1] or that new revelation of divine
knowledge which he came to give. Not Pythius himself, nor any of those
mighty gods, could apprehend the prospect of their approaching
desolation; nor could their oracles point at him who was to be their
conqueror and
destroyer. What prophet or diviner could 15 foretell that their rites
would vanish at the presence of a new Deity in the world, and that the
knowledge and worship of the Almighty Sovereign should be freely given
to all mankind?
593
Which of them foreknew the august and pious reign of our victorious
emperor, or his triumphant conquests everywhere over the false de-
mons, or the overthrow of their high places?
6 Which of the heroes has announced the
melting down and conversion of the lifeless
statues from their useless forms to the necessary uses of men? Which of
the gods have yet had power to speak of their own images thus melted
and contemptuously reduced to fragments?
7 Where were the protecting powers, that they
should not interpose to save their sacred
memorials, thus destroyed by man? Where, I ask, are those who once
maintained the strife of war, yet now behold their conquerors abiding
securely in the profoundest peace? And where are they who upheld
themselves in a blind and foolish confidence, and trusted in these
vanities as gods; but who, in the very height of their superstitious
error, and while maintaining an implacable war with the champions of the
truth, perished by a fate proportioned to their
8 crimes? Where is the giant race whose
arms were turned against heaven itself; the
hissings of those serpents whose tongues were pointed with impious
words against the Almighty King? These adversaries of the Lord of all,
confident in the aid of a multitude of gods, advanced to the attack with
a powerful array of military force, preceded by certain images of the
dead, and lifeless statues, as their defense. On the other, side our
emperor, secure in the armor of godliness, opposed to the numbers of
the enemy the salutary and life-giving Sign, as at the same time a
terror to the foe, and a protection against every harm; and returned
victorious at once over the enemy and the demons whom they served? And
then, with thanksgiving and praise, the tokens of a grateful spirit, to
the Author of his victory, he proclaimed this triumphant Sign, by
monuments as well as words, to all mankind, erecting it as a mighty
trophy against every enemy in the midst of the imperial city, and
expressly enjoining on all to acknowledge this imperishable symbol of
salvation as the safeguard of the power of Rome and of the
9 empire of the world. Such were the instructions which he gave to his
subjects
generally; but especially to his soldiers, whom he admonished to repose
their confidence, not in their weapons, or armor, or bodily strength,
but to acknowledge the Supreme God as the giver of every good, and of
victory itself.
10 Thus did the emperor himself, strange and
incredible as the fact may seem, become
the instructor of his army in their religious exercises, and teach them
to offer pious prayers in
accordance with the divine ordinances, uplifting their hands towards
heaven, and raising their mental vision higher still to the King of
heaven, on whom they should call as the Author of victory, their
preserver, guardian, and helper. He commanded too, that one day should
be regarded as a special occasion for religious worship; I mean that
which is truly the first and chief of all, the day of our Lord and
Saviour; that day the name of which is connected with light, and life,
and immortality, and every good. Prescribing the same pious conduct to
himself, he honored his Saviour in the chambers of his palace,
performing his devotions according to the Divine commands, and storing
his mind with instruction through the hearing of the sacred word. The
entire care of his household was intrusted to ministers devoted to the
service of God, and distinguished by gravity of life and every other
virtue; while his trusty body-guards, strong in affection and fidelity
to his person, found in their emperor an instructor in the practice of a
godly life. Again, the honor with which he regards the victorious Sign
is founded on his actual experience of its divine efficacy. Before this
the hosts of his enemies have disappeared: by this the powers of the
unseen spirits have been turned to flight: through this the proud
boastings of God's adversaries have come to nought, and the tongues of
the profane and blasphemous been put to silence. By this Sign the
Barbarian tribes were vanquished: through his the rites of superstitious
fraud received a just rebuke: by this our emperor, discharging as it
were a sacred debt, has performed the crowning good of all, by erecting
triumphant memorials of its value in all parts of the world, raising
temples and churches on a scale of royal costliness, and commanding all
to unite in constructing the sacred houses of prayer.
Accordingly these signal proofs of our emperor's 13 magnificence
forthwith appeared in
the provinces and cities of the empire, and soon shone conspicuously in
every country; convincing memorials of the rebuke and overthrow of those
impious tyrants who but a little while before had madly dared to fight
against God, and, raging like savage dogs, had vented on unconscious
buildings that fury which they were unable to level against him; had
thrown to the ground and Upturned the very foundations of the houses of
prayer, causing them to present the appearance of a city captured and
abandoned to the enemy. Such was the exhibition of that wicked spirit
whereby they sought as it were to assail God himself, but soon
experienced the result of their own madness and folly. But a little
time elapsed, when a single blast of the storm of Heaven's displeasure
swept
594
them utterly away, leaving neither kindred, nor offspring, nor memorial
of their existence among
men: for all, numerous as they were,
disappeared as in a moment beneath the stroke
14 of Divine vengeance. Such, then, was the
fate which awaited these furious adversaries
of God: but he who, armed with the salutary Trophy, had alone opposed
them (nay rather, not alone, but aided by the presence and the power of
him who is the only Sovereign), has replaced the ruined edifices on a
greater scale, and made the second far superior to the first. For
example, besides erecting various churches to the honor of God in the
city which bears his name, and adorning the Bithynian capital with
another on the greatest and most splendid scale, he has distinguished
the principal cities of the other provinces by structures of a similar
15 kind. Above all, he has selected two places
in the eastern division of the empire, the
one in Palestine (since from thence the life-giving stream has flowed
as from a fountain for the blessing of all nations), the other in that
metropolis of the East which derives its name from that of Antiochus; in
which, as the head of that portion of the empire, he has consecrated to
the service of God a church of unparalleled size and beauty. The entire
building is encompassed by an enclosure of great extent, within which
the church itself rises to a vast elevation, of an octagonal form,
surrounded by many chambers and courts on every side, and decorated
with ornaments of the richest kind. [3]
16 Such was his work here. Again, in the
province of Palestine, in that city which
was once the seat of Hebrew sovereignty, on the very site of the Lord's
sepulchre, he has raised a church of noble dimensions, and adorned a
temple sacred to the salutary Cross with rich and lavish magnificence,
honoring that everlasting monument, and the trophies of the Saviour's
victory over the power of death, with a splendor which no language can
describe.
17 In the same country he discovered three
places venerable as the localities of three
sacred caves: and these also he adorned with costly structures, paying
a fitting tribute of reverence to the scene of the first manifestation
of the Saviour's presence; while at the second cavern he hallowed the
remembrance of his final ascension from the mountain top; and celebrated
his mighty conflict, and the victory which crowned it, at the third.
[4] All these places our emperor thus adorned in the hope of
proclaiming the symbol of redemption to
all mankind; that Cross which has in- 18
deed repaid his pious zeal; through which
his house and throne alike have prospered, his reign has been confirmed
for a lengthened series of years, and the rewards of virtue bestowed on
his noble sons, his kindred, and their descendants. And surely it is a
mighty evidence of the power of that God whom he serves, that he has
held the balances of justice with an equal hand, and has apportioned to
each party their due reward. With regard to the destroyers of the houses
of prayer, the penalty of their impious conduct followed hard upon
them: forthwith were they swept away, and left neither race, nor house,
nor family behind. On the other hand, he whose pious devotion to his
Lord is conspicuous in his every act, who raises royal temples to his
honor, and proclaims his name to his subjects by sacred offerings
throughout the world, he, I say, has deservedly experienced him to be
the preserver and defender of his imperial house and race. Thus clearly
have the dealings of God been manifested, and this through the sacred
efficacy of the salutary Sign.
CHAPTER X.
MUCH might indeed be said of this salutary 1 Sign, by those who
are skilled in the
mysteries of our Divine religion. For it is in
very truth the symbol of salvation, wondrous to
speak of, more wondrous still to conceive; the
appearance of which on earth has thrown the
fictions of all false religion from the beginning
into the deepest shade, has buried superstitious
error in darkness and oblivion, and has revealed
to all that spiritual light which enlightens the
souls of men, even the knowledge of the
only true God. Hence the universal change2
for the better, which leads men to spurn
their lifeless idols, to trample under foot the
lawless rites of their demon deities, and laugh
to scorn the time-honored follies of their fathers.
Hence, too, the establishment in every place of
those schools of sacred learning, wherein men
are taught the precepts of saving truth, and
dread no more those objects of creation which
are seen by the natural eye, nor direct a gaze
of wonder at the sun, the moon, or stars; but
acknowledge him who is above all these, that
invisible Being who is the Creator of them
all, and learn to worship him alone. Such 3
are the blessings resulting to mankind from
this great and wondrous Sign, by virtue of which the evils which once
existed are now no more, and virtues heretofore unknown shine everywhere
resplendent with the light of true godliness. Discourses, and precepts,
and 4
595
exhortations to a virtuous and holy life, are proclaimed in the ears of
all nations. Nay, the emperor himself proclaims them: and it is indeed a
marvel that this mighty prince, raising his voice in the hearing of all
the world, like an interpreter of the Almighty Sovereign's will,
invites his subjects in every country to the
5 knowledge of the true God. No more, as
in former times, is the babbling of impious
men heard in the imperial palace; but priests
and pious worshipers of God together celebrate
his majesty with royal hymns of praise. The
name of the one Supreme Ruler of the universe
is proclaimed to all: the gospel of glad tidings
connects the human race with its Almighty King,
declaring the grace and love of the heavenly
Father to his children on the earth. His praise is
everywhere sung in triumphant strains: the voice
of mortal man is blended with the harmony 6 of the angelic
choirs in heaven; and
the reasoning soul employs the body which
invests it as an instrument for sounding forth a fitting tribute of
praise and adoration to his name. The nations of the East and the West
are instructed at the same moment in his precepts: the people of the
Northern and Southern regions unite with one accord, under the influence
of the same principles and laws, in the pursuit of a godly life, in
praising the one Supreme God, in acknowledging his only begotten Son
their Saviour as the source of every blessing, and our emperor as the
one ruler on the earth, together with his pious sons. He himself, as a
skillful pilot, sits on high at the helm of state, and directs the
vessel with unerring course, conducting his people as it were with
favoring breeze to a secure and tranquil haven. Meanwhile God himself,
the great Sovereign, extends the right hand of his power from above for
his protection, giving him victory over every foe, and establishing his
empire by a lengthened period of years: and he will bestow on him yet
higher blessings, and confirm in every deed the truth of his own
promises. But on these we may not at present dwell; but must await the
change to a better world: for it is not given to mortal eyes or ears of
flesh, fully to apprehend the things of God. [1]
CHAPTER XI.
1 AND now, victorious and mighty Constantine, in this
discourse, whose noble
argument is the glory of the Almighty King, let me lay before thee some
of the mysteries of his sacred truth: not as presuming to instruct thee,
who art thyself taught of God; nor to disclose
to thee those secret wonders which he himself, not through the agency
of man, but through our common Saviour, and the frequent light of his
Divine presence has long since revealed and unfolded to thy view: but in
the hope of leading the unlearned to the light, and displaying before
those who know them not the causes and motives of thy pious deeds. True
it is that thy noble efforts for the daily worship and honor of the
Supreme God throughout the habitable world, are the theme of universal
praise. But those records of gratitude to thy Saviour and Preserver
which thou hast dedicated in our own province of Palestine, and in that
city from which as from a fountain-head the Saviour Word [1] has issued
forth to all mankind; and again, the hallowed edifices and consecrated
temples which thou hast raised as trophies of his victory over death;
and those lofty and noble structures, imperial monuments of an imperial
spirit, which thou hast erected in honor of the everlasting memory of
the Saviour's tomb
the cause, I say, of these things is not equally obvious to all. Those,
indeed, who are enlightened in heavenly knowledge by the power of the
Divine Spirit, well understand the cause, and justly admire and bless
thee for that counsel and resolution which Heaven itself inspired. On
the other hand the ignorant and spiritually blind regard these designs
with open mockery and scorn, and deem it a strange and unworthy thing
indeed that so mighty a prince should waste his zeal on the graves and
monuments of the dead. "Were it not 4
better," such a one might say, "to cherish
those rites which are hallowed by ancient usage
to seek the favor of those gods and heroes whose worship is observed in
every province; instead of rejecting and disclaiming them, because
subject to the calamities incident to man? Surely they may claim equal
honors with him who himself has suffered: or, if they are to be
rejected, as not exempt from the sorrows of humanity, the same award
would justly be pronounced respecting him." Thus, with important and
contracted brow, might he give utterance in pompous language to his
self-imagined wisdom. Filled with compassion for this ignorance, the
gracious Word of our most beneficent Father freely invites, not such a
one alone, but all who are in the path of error, to receive instruction
in Divine knowledge; and has ordained the means of such instruction
throughout the world, in every country and village, in cultivated and
desert lands alike, and in every city: and, as a gracious Saviour and
Physician of the soul, calls on the Greek and the Barbarian, the wise
and the unlearned, the rich
596
and the poor, the servant and his master, the subject and his lord, the
ungodly, the profane, the ignorant, the evil-doer, the blasphemer, alike
to draw near, and hasten to receive his heavenly cure. And thus in time
past had he clearly announced to all the pardon of former
transgressions, saying, "Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy
laden, and I will give you rest." [2] And again, "I am not come to call
the righteous, but sinners, to repentance." [3] And he adds the reason,
saying, "For they that are whole need not a physician, but they that are
sick." [4] And again, "I desire not the death of a sinner, but rather
that he
6 should repent." [5] Hence it is only for those
who are themselves instructed in Divine
things and understand the motives of that zeal of which these works are
the result, to appreciate the more than human impulse by which our
emperor was guided, to admire his piety toward God, and to believe his
care for the memorial of our Saviour's resurrection to be a desire
imparted from above, and truly inspired by that Sovereign, to be whose
faithful servant and minister for good is his proudest boast. In full
persuasion, then, of thy approval, most mighty emperor, I desire at this
present time to proclaim to all the reasons and motives of thy pious
works. I desire to stand as the interpreter of thy designs, to explain
the counsels of a soul devoted to the love of God. I propose to teach
all men, what all should know who care to understand the principles on
which our Saviour God employs his power, the reasons for which he who
was the pre-existent Controller of all things at length descended to us
from heaven: the reasons for which he assumed our nature, and submitted
even to the power of death. I shall declare the causes of that immortal
life which followed, and of his resurrection from the dead. Once more,
I shall adduce convincing proofs and arguments, for the sake of those
who yet need such
8 testimony: and now let me commence my
appointed task.
Those who transfer the worship due to that
God who formed and rules the world to the works of his hand; who hold
the sun and moon, or other parts of this material system, nay, the
elements themselves, earth, water, air, and fire, in equal honor with
the Creator of them all; who give the name of gods to things which
never would have had existence, or even name,
except as obedient to that Word of God who
made the world: such persons in my judgment
resemble those who overlook the master hand
which gives its magnificence to a royal palace;
and, while lost in wonder at its roofs and walls,
the paintings of varied beauty and coloring
which adorn them, and its gilded ceilings and
sculptures, ascribe to them the praise of that
skill which belongs to the artist whose work
they are: whereas they should assign the cause
of their wonder, not to these visible objects, but
to the architect himself, and confess that the
proofs of skill are indeed manifest, but that he
alone is the possessor of that skill who has
made them what they are. Again, well
might we liken those to children, who
should admire the seven-stringed lyre, and disregard him who invented
or has power to use
it: or those who forget the valiant warrior, and
adorn his spear and shield with the chaplet of
victory: or, lastly, those who hold the squares
and streets, the public buildings, temples, and
gymnasia of a great and royal city in equal honor
with its founder; forgetting that their admiration is due, not to
lifeless stones, but to him
whose wisdom planned and executed these
mighty works. Not less absurd is it for 10
those who regard this universe with the
natural eye to ascribe its origin to the sun, or
moon, or any other heavenly body. Rather let
them confess that these are themselves the
works of a higher wisdom, remember the Maker
and Framer of them all, and render to him the
praise and honor above all created objects. Nay
rather, inspired by the sight of these very objects,
let them address themselves with full purpose of
heart to glorify and worship him who is now
invisible to mortal eye, but perceived by the
clear and unclouded vision of the soul, the
supremely sovereign Word of God. To take the
instance of the human body: no one has yet
conferred the attribute of wisdom on the eyes,
or head, the hands, or feet, or other members,
far less on the outward clothing, of a wise and
learned man: no one terms the philosopher's
household furniture and utensils, wise: but
every rational person admires that invisible and
secret power, the mind of the man himself.
How much more, then, is our admiration 11
due, not to the visible mechanism of the
universe, material as it is, and formed of the selfsame elements; but
to that invisible Word who has moulded and arranged it all, who is the
only-begotten Son of God, and whom the Maker of all things, who far
transcends all being, has begotten of himself, and appointed Lord and
Governor of this universe? For since it was impossible that perishable
bodies, or the rational spirits which he had created, should
597
approach the Supreme God, by reason of their immeasurable distance from
his perfections, for he is unbegotten, above and beyond all creation,
ineffable, inaccessible, unapproachable, dwelling, as his holy word
assures us, [6] in the light which none can enter; but they were created
from nothing, and are infinitely far removed from his unbegotten
Essence; well has the all-gracious and Almighty God interposed as it
were an intermediate Power [7] between himself and them, even the
Divine omnipotence of his only-begotten Word. And this Power, which is
in perfect nearness and intimacy of union, with the Father which abides
in him, and shares his secret counsels, has yet condescended, in
fullness of grace, as it were to conform itself to those who are so far
removed from the supreme majesty of God. How else, consistently with
his own holiness could he who is far above and beyond all things unite
himself to corruptible and corporeal matter? Accordingly the Divine
Word, thus connecting himself with this universe, and receiving into
his hands the reins, as it were, of the world, turns and directs it as
a skillful charioteer ac-
13 cording to his own will and pleasure, The
proof of these assertions is evident. For
supposing that those component parts of the world which we call
elements, as earth, water, air, and fire, the nature of which is
manifestly without intelligence, are self-existent; and if they have one
common essence, which they who are skilled in natural science call the
great receptacle, mother, and nurse of all things; and if this itself
be utterly devoid of shape and figure, of soul and reason; whence shall
we say it has obtained its present form and beauty? To what shall we
ascribe the distinction of the elements, or the union of things
contrary in their very nature? Who has commanded the liquid water to
sustain the heavy element of earth? Who has turned back the waters from
their downward course, and carried them aloft in clouds? Who has bound
the force of fire, and caused it to lie latent in wood, and to combine
with substances most contrary to itself? Who has mingled the cold air
with heat, and thus reconciled the enmity of opposing principles? Who
has devised the continuous succession of the human race, and given it
as it were an endless term of duration? Who has moulded the male and
female form, adapted their mutual relations with perfect harmony, and
given one common principle of production to every living creature? Who
changes the character of the fluid and corruptible seed, which in
itself is void of reason, and gives it its prolific power? Who is at
this moment working these and ten thousand effects more wonderful than
these, nay, surpassing all wonder, and with invisible influence is
daily and hourly perpetuating the production of them all? Surely 14
the wonder-working and truly omnipotent
Word of God may well be deemed the efficient cause of all these things:
that Word who, diffusing himself through all creation, pervading height
and depth with incorporeal energy, and embracing the length and breadth
of the universe within his mighty grasp, has compacted and reduced to
order this entire system, from whose unreasoned and formless matter he
has framed for himself an instrument of perfect harmony, the nicely
balanced chords and notes of which he touches with all-wise and unerring
skill. He it is who governs the sun, and moon, and the other luminaries
of heaven by inexplicable laws, and directs their motions
for the service of the universal whole. It 15
is this Word of God who has stooped to the
earth on which we live, and created the manifold species of animals,
and the fair varieties of the vegetable world. It is this same Word who
has penetrated the recesses of the deep, has given their being to the
finny race, and produced the countless forms of life which there exist.
It is he who fashions the burden of the womb, and informs it in nature's
laboratory with the principle of life. By him the fluid and heavy
moisture is raised on high, and then, sweetened by a purifying change,
descends in measured quantities to the earth, and at stated seasons in
more profuse supply. Like a skillful husbandman, he fully irrigates the
land, tempers the moist and dry in just proportion, diversifying the
whole with brilliant flowers, with aspects of varied beauty, with
pleasant fragrance, with alternating varieties of fruits, and countless
gratifications for the taste of men. But why do I dare essay a hopeless
task, to recount the mighty works of the Word of God, and describe an
energy which surpasses mortal thought? By some, indeed, he has been
termed the Nature of the universe, by others, the World-Soul, by
others, Fate. Others again have declared him to be the most High God
himself, strangely confounding things most widely different; bringing
down to this earth, uniting to a corruptible and material body, and
assigning to that supreme and unbegotten Power who is Lord of all an
intermediate place between
598
irrational animals and rational mortals on the one hand, and immortal
beings on the other. [8]
CHAPTER XII.
1 ON the other hand, the sacred doctrine
teaches that he who is the supreme Source
of good, and Cause of all things, is beyond all comprehension, and
therefore inexpressible by word, or speech, or name; surpassing the
power, not of language only, but of thought itself. Un-circumscribed by
place, or body; neither in heaven, nor in ethereal space, nor in any
other part of the universe; but entirely independent of all things else,
he pervades the depths of unexplored and secret wisdom. The sacred
oracles teach us to acknowledge him as the only true God, [1] apart
from all corporeal essence, distinct from all subordinate ministration.
Hence it is said that all things are from him, but not through him. [2]
And he himself dwelling as Sovereign in secret and undiscovered regions
of unapproachable light, ordains and disposes all things by the single
power of his own will. At his will whatever is, exists; without that
will, it cannot be. And his will is in every case for good, since he is
essentially Goodness itself. But he through whom are all things, even
God the Word, proceeding in an ineffable manner from the Father above,
as from an everlasting and exhaustless fountain, flows onward like a
river with a full and abundant stream of power for the preservation of
the universal whole.
3 And now let us select an illustration from
our own experience. The invisible and un-
discovered mind within us, the essential nature of which no one has
ever known, sits as a monarch in the seclusion of his secret chambers,
and alone resolves on our course of action. From this proceeds the
only-begotten word from its father's bosom, begotten in a manner and by
a power inexplicable to us; and is the first messenger of its father's
thoughts, declares his secret
counsels, and, conveying itself to the ears
of others, accomplishes his designs. And 4
thus the advantage of this faculty is enjoyed by all: yet no one has
ever yet beheld that invisible and hidden mind, which is the I parent of
the word itself. [3] In the same manner, or rather in a manner which
far surpasses all likeness or comparison, the perfect Word of the
Supreme God, as the only-begotten Son of the Father (not consisting in
the power of utterance, nor comprehended in syllables and parts of
speech, nor conveyed by a voice which vibrates on the air; but being
himself the living and effectual Word of the most High, and subsisting
personally as the Power and Wisdom of God), [4] proceeds from his
Father's Deity and kingdom. [5] Thus, being the perfect Offspring of a
perfect Father, and the common Preserver of all things, he diffuses
himself with living power throughout creation, and pours from his own
fullness abundant supplies of reason, [6] wisdom, light, and every other
blessing, not only on objects nearest to himself, but on those most
remote, whether in earth, or sea,
or any other sphere of being. To all these 5
he appoints with perfect equity their limits,
places, laws, and inheritance, allotting to each
their suited portion according to his sovereign
will. To some he assigns the super-terrestrial
regions, to others heaven itself as their habitation: others he places
in ethereal space, others
in air, and others still on earth. He it is who
transfers mankind from hence to another sphere,
impartially reviews their conduct here, and be-
stows a recompense according to the life and
habits of each. By him provision is made for
the life and food, not of rational creatures only,
but also of the brute creation, for the service of men; and while to
the latter he 6
grants the enjoyment of a perishable and
fleeting term of existence, the former he invites to a share in the
possession of immortal life. Thus universal is the agency of the Word of
God: everywhere present, and pervading all things by the power of his
intelligence, he looks upward to his Father, and governs this lower
creation, inferior to and consequent upon himself, in accordance with
his will, as the
common Preserver of all things. Interme- 7
599
diate, as it were, and attracting the created to the uncreated Essence,
this Word of God exists as an unbroken bond between the two, uniting
things most widely different by an inseparable tie. He is the Providence
which rules the universe; the guardian and director of the whole: he is
the Power and Wisdom of God the only-begotten God, the Word begotten of
God himself. For "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with
God, and the Word was God. All things were made by him and without him
was not any. thing made that hath been made"; as we learn from the
words of the sacred writer? Through his vivifying power all nature
grows and flourishes, refreshed
by his continual showers, and invested
8 with a vigor and beauty ever new. Guiding
the reigns of the universe, he holds its on-
ward course in conformity to the Father's will and moves, as it were,
the helm of this mighty ship. This glorious Agent, the only-begotten Son
of the Supreme God, begotten by the Father as his perfect Offspring,
the Father has given to this world as the highest of all goods infusing
his word, as spirit into a lifeless body, into unconscious nature;
imparting light and energy to that which in itself was a rude,
inanimate, and formless mass, through the Divine power. Him therefore
it is ours to acknowledge and regard as everywhere present, and giving
life to matter and the elements of nature: [8] in him we see Light,
even the spiritual offspring of inexpressible Light: one indeed in
essence, as being the Son of one Father; but
possessing in himself many and varied
9 powers. The world is indeed divided into
many parts; yet let us not therefore sup-
pose that there are many independent Agents nor, though creation's
works be manifold, let us thence assume the existence of many gods. How
grievous the error of those childish and infatuated advocates of
polytheistic worship, who deify the constituent parts of the universe,
and
divide into many that system which is only
10 one! Such conduct resembles theirs who
should abstract the eyes of an individual
man, and term them the man himself, and the ears, another man, and so
the head: or again, by an effort of thought should separate the neck,
the breast and shoulders, the feet and hands,: or other members, nay,
the very powers of sense, and thus pronounce an individual to be a
multitude of men. Such folly must surely be rewarded with contempt by
men of sense. Yet such is he who from the component parts of a single
world can devise for himself a multitude of gods, or even deem that
world which is the
work of a Creator, and consists of many parts, to be itself a god: [9]
not knowing that the Divine Nature can in no sense be divisible into
parts; since, if compounded, it must be so through the agency of another
power; and that which is so compounded can never be Divine. How indeed
could it be so, if composed of unequal and dissimilar, and hence of
worse and better elements? Simple, indivisible, uncompounded, the
Divine Nature exists at an infinite elevation above the visible
constitution of this world. And hence we are assured by the clear
testimony of the sacred Herald, [10] that the Word of God, who is before
all things, must be the sole Preserver of all intelligent beings: while
God, who is above all, and the Author of the generation of the Word,
being himself the Cause of all things, is rightly called the Father of
the Word, as of his only-begotten Son, himself acknowledging no
superior Cause. God, therefore, himself is One, and from him
proceeds the one only-begotten Word, the omnipresent Preserver of all
things. And as the many-stringed lyre is composed of different chords,
both sharp and flat, some slightly, others tensely strained, and others
intermediate between-the two extremes, yet all attuned according to the
rules of harmonic art; even so this material world, compounded as it is
of many elements, containing opposite and antagonist principles, as
moisture and dryness, cold and heat, yet blended into one harmonious
whole, may justly be termed a mighty instrument framed by the hand of
God: an instrument on which the Divine Word, himself not composed of
parts or opposing principles, but indivisible and uncompounded, performs
with perfect skill, and produces a melody at once accordant with the
will of his Father the Supreme Lord of all, and glorious to himself.
Again, as there are manifold external and internal parts and members
comprised in a single body, yet one invisible soul, one undivided and
incorporeal mind pervades the whole; so is it in this creation, which,
consisting of many parts, yet is but one: and so the One mighty, yea,
Almighty Word of God, pervading all things, and diffusing himself with
undeviating energy throughout this universe, is the Cause of all things
that exist therein. Survey the compass of this visible world. Seest
thou not how the same heaven contains within itself the countless
courses and companies of the stars?
600
Again, the sun is one, and yet eclipses many, nay all other luminaries,
by the surpassing glory of his rays. Even so, as the Father himself is
One, his Word is also One, the perfect Son of that perfect Father.
Should any one object because they are not more, as well might he
complain that there are not many suns, or moons, or worlds, and a
thousand things beside; like the madman, who would fain subvert the fair
and perfect course of Nature herself. As in the visible, so also in the
spiritual world: in the one the same sun diffuses his light throughout
this material earth; in the other the One Almighty Word of God
illumines all things with in-
13 visible and secret power. Again, there is
in man one spirit, and one faculty of reason,
which yet is the active cause of numberless effects. The same mind,
instructed in many things, will essay to cultivate the earth, to build
and guide a ship, and construct houses: nay, the one mind and reason of
man is capable of acquiring knowledge in a thousand forms: the same mind
shall understand geometry and astronomy, and discourse on the rules of
grammar, and rhetoric, and the healing art. Nor will it excel in
science only, but in practice too: and yet no one has ever supposed the
existence of many minds in one human form, nor expressed his wonder at
a plurality of being in man, because he is thus capable of varied
knowledge 14. Suppose one were to find a shape-
less mass of clay, to mould it with his hands,
and give it the form of a living creature; the head in one figure, the
hands and feet in another, the eyes and cheeks in a third, and so to
fashion the ears, the mouth and nose, the breast and shoulders,
according to the rules of the plastic art. The result, indeed, is a
variety of figure, of parts and members in the one body; yet must we not
suppose it the work of many hands, but ascribe it entirely to the skill
of a single artist, and yield the tribute of our praise to him who by
the energy of a single mind has framed it all. The same is true of the
universe itself, which is one, though consisting of many parts: yet
surely we need not suppose many creative powers, nor invent a plurality
of gods. Our duty is to adore the all-wise and all-perfect agency of
him who is indeed the Power and the Wisdom of God, whose undivided
force and energy pervades and penetrates the universe, creating and
giving life to all things, and furnishing to all, collectively and
severally, those manifold supplies of which he is himself the
15 source. Even so one and the same impression of the solar rays
illumines the air
at once, gives light to the eyes, warmth to the touch, fertility to the
earth, and growth to plants. The same luminary constitutes the course of
time, governs the motions of the stars, performs the circuit of the
heavens, imparts beauty to the earth, and displays the power of God to
all: and all this he performs by the sole and unaided force of his own
nature. In like manner fire has the property of refining gold, and
fusing lead, of dissolving wax, of parching clay, and consuming wood;
producing these varied
effects by one and the same burning power. 16
So also the Supreme Word of God, pervading all things, everywhere
existent, everywhere present in heaven and earth, governs and directs
the visible and invisible creation, the sun, the heaven, and the
universe itself, with an energy inexplicable in its nature, irresistible
in its effects. From him, as from an everlasting fountain, the sun, the
moon, and stars receive their light: and he forever rules that heaven
which he has framed as the fitting emblem of his own greatness. The
angelic and spiritual powers, the incorporeal and intelligent beings
which exist beyond the sphere of heaven and earth, are filled by him
with light and life, with wisdom and virtue, with all that is great and
good, from Iris own peculiar treasures. Once more, with one and the
same creative skill, he ceases not to furnish the elements with
substance, to regulate the union and combinations, the forms and
figures, and the innumerable qualities of organized bodies; preserving
the varied distinctions of animal and vegetable life, of the rational
and the brute creation; and supplying all things to all with equal
power: thus proving himself the Author, not indeed of the
seven-stringed lyre, [11] but of that system of perfect harmony which is
the workmanship of the One world-creating Word. [12]
CHAPTER XIII.
AND now let us proceed to explain the 1
reasons for which this mighty Word of God
descended to dwell with men. Our ignorant and foolish race, incapable
of comprehending him who is the Lord of heaven and earth, proceeding
from his Father's Deity as from the supreme fountain, ever present
throughout the world, and evincing by the clearest proofs his
providential care for the interests of man; have ascribed the adorable
title of Deity to the sun, and moon, the heaven and the stars of heaven.
Nor did they stop here, but deified the earth itself, its products, and
the various substances by which animal life is sustained, and devised
601
images of Ceres, of Proserpine, of Bacchus, (1) 2 and many such as
these. Nay, they shrank not from giving the name of gods to the very
conceptions of their own minds, and the speech by which those
conceptions are expressed; calling the mind itself Minerva, and language
Mercury, (2) and affixing the names of Mnemosyne and the Muses to those
faculties by means of which science is acquired. Nor was even this
enough: advancing still more rapidly in the career of impiety and
folly, they deified their own evil passions, which it behooved them to
regard with aversion, or restrain by the principles of self-control.
Their very lust and passion and impure disease of soul, the members of
the body which tempt to obscenity, and even the very uncontrol (3) in
shameful pleasure, they described under the titles of Cupid, Priapus 3,
Venus, (4) and other kindred terms. Nor did they stop even here.
Degrading their thoughts of God to this corporeal and mortal life, they
deified their fellow-men, conferring the names of gods and heroes on
those who had experienced the common lot of all, and vainly imagining
that the Divine and imperishable Essence could frequent the tombs and
monuments of the dead. Nay, more than this: they paid divine honors to
animals of various species, and to the most noxious reptiles: they
felled trees, and excavated rocks; they provided themselves with brass,
and iron, and other metals, of which they fashioned resemblances of the
male and female human form, of beasts, and creeping things; and these
they made the objects of
4 their worship. Nor did this suffice. To
the evil spirits themselves which lurked
within their statues, or lay concealed in secret and dark recesses,
eager to drink their libations, and inhale the odor of their sacrifices,
they ascribed the same divine honors. Once more, they endeavored to
secure the familiar aid of these spirits, and the unseen powers which
move through the tracts of air, by charms of forbidden magic, and the
compulsion of unhallowed songs and incantations. Again, different
nations have adopted different persons as objects of their worship. The
Greeks have rendered to Bacchus, Hercules, AEsculapius, Apollo, and
others who were mortal men, the titles of gods and heroes. The
Egyptians have deified Horus and Isis, Osiris, and other mortals such
as these. And thus they who boast of the wondrous skill whereby they
have discovered geometry, astronomy, and the science of number, know
not, wise as they are in their own conceit, nor understand how to
estimate the measure of the power of God, or calculate his exceeding
greatness above the nature of irrational and mortal beings. Hence 5
they shrank not from applying the name of
gods to the most hideous of the brute creation, to venomous reptiles
and savage beasts. The Phoenicians deified Melcatharus, Usorus, (5)
and others; mere mortals, and with little claim to honor:
the Arabians, Dusaris (6) and Obodas: the Getae, Zamolxis: the
Cicilians, Mopsus: and the Thebans, Amphiaraus: (7) in short, each
nation has adopted its own peculiar deities, differing in no
respect from their fellow-mortals, being simply and truly men. Again,
the Egyptians with one consent, the Phoenicians, the Greeks, nay,
every nation beneath the sun, have united in worshiping the very
parts and elements of the world, and even the produce of the ground
itself. And, which is most surprising, though acknowledging the
adulterous, unnatural, and licentious crimes of their deities, they have
not only filled every city, and village, and district with temples,
shrines, and statues in their honor, but have followed their evil
example to the ruin
of their own souls. We hear of gods and 6
the sons of gods described by them as
heroes and good genii, titles entirely opposed to truth, honors utterly
at variance with the qualifies they are intended to exalt. It is as if
one who desired to point out the sun and the luminaries of heaven,
instead of directing his gaze thitherward, should grope with his hands
on the ground, and search for the celestial powers in the mud and mire.
Even so mankind, deceived by their own folly and the craft of evil
spirits, have believed that the Divine and spiritual Essence which is
far above heaven and earth could be compatible with the birth, the
affections, and death, of mortal bodies here below. To such a pitch of
madness did they proceed, as to sacrifice the dearest objects of their
affection to their gods, regardless of all natural ties, and urged by
frenzied feeling to slay their only and best
beloved children. For what can be a 7
greater proof of madness, than to offer
human sacrifice, to pollute every city, and even their own houses, with
kindred blood? Do not the Greeks themselves attest this, and is not all
history filled with records of the same impiety? The Phoenicians devoted
their best beloved and only children as an annual sacrifice to Saturn.
The Rhodians, on the sixth day of the month Metageitnion, (8) offered
human victims to the same god. At Salamis, a man was pursued in
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the temple of Minerva Agraulis and Diomede, compelled to run thrice
round the altar, afterwards pierced with a lance by the priest, and
consumed as a burnt offering on the blazing pile. In Egypt, human
sacrifice was most abundant. At Heliopolis three victims were daily
offered to Juno, for whom king Amoses, impressed with the atrocity of
the practice, commanded the substitution of an equal number of waxen
figures. In Chios, and again in Tenedos, a man was slain and offered up
to Omadian Bacchus. At Sparta they immolated human beings to Mars. In
Crete they did likewise, offering human sacrifices to Saturn. In
Laodicea of Syria a virgin was yearly slain in honor of Minerva, for
whom a hart is now the substitute. The Libyans and Carthaginians
appeased their gods with human victims. The Dumateni of Arabia buried a
boy annually beneath the altar. History informs us that the Greeks
without exception, the Thracians also, and Scythians, were accustomed to
human sacrifice before they marched forth to battle. The Athenians
record the immolation of the virgin children of Leus, (9) and the
daughter of Erechtheus. (10) Who knows not that at this day a human
victim is offered in Rome itself at the festival of Jupiter Latiaris 8?
And these facts are confirmed by the
testimony of the most approved philosophers. Diodorus, the
epitomizer of libraries, (11) affirms that two hundred of the noblest
youths were sacrificed to Saturn by the Libyan people, and that three
hundred more were voluntarily offered by their own parents. Dionysius,
the compiler of Roman history, (12) expressly says that Jupiter and
Apollo demanded human sacrifices of the so-called Aborigines, in Italy.
He relates that on this demand they offered a proportion of all their
produce to the gods; but that, because of their refusal to slay human
victims, they became involved in manifold calamities, from which they
could obtain no release until they had decimated themselves, a sacrifice
of life which proved the desolation of their country. Such and so great
were the evils which of
9 old afflicted the whole human race. Nor
was this the full extent of their misery:
they groaned beneath the pressure of other evils equally numerous and
irremediable. All nations, whether civilized or barbarous, throughout
the world, as if actuated by a demoniac frenzy, were infected with
sedition as with some fierce and
terrible disease: insomuch that the human family was irreconcilably
divided against itself; the great system of society was distracted and
torn asunder; and in every corner of the earth men stood opposed to each
other, and strove with fierce contention on questions of law and
government. Nay, more than this: with passions 10 aroused to fury, they
engaged in mutual
conflicts, so frequent that their lives were passed
as it were in uninterrupted warfare. None could
undertake a journey except as prepared to
encounter an enemy in the very country and
villages the rustics girded on the sword, provided themselves with
armor rather than with
the implements of rural labor, and deemed it
noble exploit to plunder and enslave any
who belonged to a neighboring state. Nay, 11
more than this: from the fables they had
themselves devised respecting their own deities, they deduced occasions
for a vile and abandoned life, and wrought the ruin of body and soul by
licentiousness of every kind. Not content with this, they even
overstepped the bounds which nature had defined, and together committed
incredible and nameless crimes, "men with men (in the words of the
sacred writer) working un-seemliness, and receiving in themselves that
recompense of their error which was due." Nor did they stop even here;
but perverted 12 their natural thoughts of God, and denied that the
course of this world was directed by his providential care, ascribing
the existence and constitution of all things to the blind operation of
chance, or the necessity of fate. Once more: believing that soul and
body 13 were alike dissolved by death, they led a brutish life, unworthy
of the name: careless of the nature or existence of the soul, they
dreaded not the tribunal of Divine justice, expected no reward of
virtue, nor thought of chastisement as the penalty of an evil life.
Hence 14
it was that whole nations, a prey to wickedness in all its forms, were
wasted by the effects of their own brutality: some living in the
practice of most vile and lawless incest with mothers, others with
sisters, and others again corrupting their own daughters. Some were
found who slew their confiding guests; others who fed on human flesh;
some strangled, and then feasted on, their aged men; others threw them
alive to dogs. The time would fail me were I to attempt to describe the
multifarious symptoms of the inveterate malady which had asserted its
dominion over the whole human race.
Such, and numberless others like these, 15
were the prevailing evils, on account of
which the gracious Word of God, full of compassion for his human flock,
had long since, by the ministry of his prophets, and earlier still, as
well as later, by that of men distinguished by
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pious devotion to God, invited those thus desperately afflicted to
their own cure; and had, by means of laws, exhortations, and doctrines
of every kind, proclaimed to man the principles and elements of true
godliness. But when for mankind, distracted and torn as I have said, not
indeed by wolves and savage beasts, but by ruthless and soul-destroying
spirits of evil, human power no longer sufficed, but a help was needed
superior to that of man; then it was that the Word of God, obedient to
his all-gracious Father's will, at length himself appeared, and
most willingly made his abode amongst us.
16 The causes of his advent I have already described, induced by which
he condescended
to the society of man; not in his wonted form and manner, for he is
incorporeal, and present everywhere throughout the world, proving by his
agency both in heaven and earth the greatness of his almighty power,
but in a character new and hitherto unknown. Assuming a mortal
body, he deigned to associate and converse with men; desiring, through
the medium of
their own likeness, to save our mortal race.
CHAPTER XIV.
1 AND now let us explain the cause for which
the incorporeal Word of God assumed this
mortal body as a medium of intercourse with man. How, indeed, else than
in human form could that Divine and impalpable, that immaterial and
invisible Essence manifest itself to those who sought for God in created
and earthly objects, unable or unwilling otherwise to discern the
Author and Maker of all things?
2 As a fitting means, therefore, of communi-
cation with mankind, he assumed a mortal
body, as that with which they were themselves familiar; for like, it is
proverbially said, loves its like. To those, then, whose affections were
engaged by visible objects, who looked for gods in statues and lifeless
images, who imagined the Deity to consist in material and corporeal
substance, nay, who conferred on men the title of divinity, the Word of
God presented him-3 self in this form. Hence he procured for himself
this body as a thrice-hallowed temple, a sensible habitation of an
intellectual power; a noble and most holy form, of far higher worth
than any lifeless statue. The material and senseless image, fashioned
by base mechanic hands, of brass or iron, of gold or ivory, wood or
stone, may be a fitting abode for evil spirits: but that Divine form,
wrought by the power of heavenly wisdom, was possessed of life and
spiritual being; a form animated by every excellence,
the dwelling-place of the Word of God, 4 a holy
temple of the holy God. Thus the indwelling Word (1) conversed with and
was known to men, as kindred with themselves; yet yielded not to
passions such as theirs, nor owned, as the natural soul, subjection to
the body. He parted not with aught of his intrinsic greatness, nor
changed his proper Deity. For as the all-pervading radiance of the sun
receives no stain from contact with dead and impure bodies; much less
can the incorporeal power of the Word of God be injured in its essential
purity, or part with any of its greatness, from spiritual contact with
a human body.
Thus, I say, did our common Saviour prove 5
himself the benefactor and preserver of all,
displaying his wisdom through the instrumentality of his human nature,
even as a musician uses the lyre to evince his skill. The Grecian myth
tells us that Orpheus had power to charm ferocious beasts, and tame
their savage spirit, by striking the chords of his instrument with a
master hand: and this story is celebrated by
the Greeks, and generally believed, that an unconscious instrument
could subdue the untamed brute, and draw the trees from their places, in
obedience to its melodious power. But he who is the author of perfect
harmony, the all-wise Word of God, desiring to apply every remedy to
the manifold diseases of the souls of men, employed that human nature
which is the workmanship of his own wisdom, as an instrument by the
melodious strains of which he soothed, not indeed the brute creation,
but savages endued with reason; healing each furious temper, each
fierce and angry passion of the soul, both in civilized and barbarous
nations, by the remedial power of his Divine doctrine. Like a physician
of perfect skill, he met the diseases of their souls who sought for God
in nature and in bodies, by a fitting and kindred remedy, and showed
them God in human
form. And then, with no less care for the 6
body than the soul, he presented before
the eyes of men wonders and signs, as proofs of his Divine power, at
the same time instilling into their ears of flesh the doctrines which he
himself uttered with a corporeal tongue. In short, he performed all his
works through the medium of that body which he had assumed for the sake
of those who else were incapable
of apprehending his Divine nature. In all 7 this he was the servant of
his Father's will, himself remaining still the same as when with the
Father; unchanged in essence, unimpaired in nature, unfettered by the
trammels of mortal flesh, nor hindered by his abode in a human body from
being elsewhere present. (2)
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8 Nay, at the very time of his intercourse
with men, he was pervading all things, was
with and in the Father, and even then was caring for all things both in
heaven and earth. Nor was he precluded, as we are, from being present
everywhere, or from the continued exercise of his Divine power. He gave
of his own to man, but received nothing in return: he imparted of his
Divine power to mortality, but derived no accession from mortality
itself.
9 Hence his human birth to him brought no
defilement; nor could his impassible Essence suffer at the
dissolution of his mortal body. For let us suppose a lyre to receive an
accidental injury, or its chord to be broken; it does not follow that
the performer on it suffers: nor, if a wise man's body undergo
punishment, can we fairly assert that his wisdom, or the soul within
him, are maimed or burned.
10 Far less can we affirm that the inherent
power of the Word sustained any detriment
from his bodily passion, any more than, as in the instance we have
already used, the solar rays which are shot from heaven to earth
contract defilement, though in contact with mire and pollution of every
kind. We may, indeed, assert that these things partake of the radiance
of the light, but not that the light is contaminated, or the sun
defiled, by this contact
11 with other bodies. And indeed these things
are themselves not contrary to nature; but
the Saviour, the incorporeal Word of God, being Life and spiritual
Light itself, whatever he touches with Divine and incorporeal power must
of
necessity become endued with the intelligence of light and life. Thus,
if he touch a body, it becomes enlightened and sanctified, is at once
delivered from all disease, infirmity, and suffering, and that which
before was lacking is 12 supplied by a portion of his fullness. And such
was the tenor of his life on earth; now proving the sympathies of his
human nature with our own, and now revealing himself as the Word of
God: wondrous and mighty in his works as God; foretelling the events of
the far distant future; declaring in every act, by signs, and wonders,
and supernatural powers, that Word whose presence was so little known;
and finally, by his Divine teaching, inviting the souls of men to
prepare for those mansions which are above the heavens.
CHAPTER XV.
1 WHAT now remains, but to account for
those which are the crowning facts of all;
I mean his death, so far and widely known, the
manner of his passion, and the mighty miracle
of his resurrection after death: and then to establish the truth of
these events by the clearest
testimonies? For the reasons detailed
above he used the instrumentality of a
mortal body, as a figure becoming his
Divine majesty, and like a mighty sovereign
employed it as his interpreter in his intercourse
with men, performing all things consistently
with his own Divine power. Supposing, then,
at the end of his sojourn among men, he had
by any other means suddenly withdrawn himself
from their sight, and, secretly removing that interpreter of himself,
the form which he had
assumed, had hastened to flee from death, and
afterwards by his own act had consigned his
mortal body to corruption and dissolution:
doubtless in such a case he would have been
deemed a mere phantom by all. Nor would
he have acted in a manner worthy of himself,
had he who is Life, the Word, and the Power of
God, abandoned this interpreter of himself
to corruption and death. Nor, again, would
his warfare with the spirits of evil have received its consummation by
conflict. with the
power of death. The place of his retirement
must have remained unknown; nor would his
existence have been believed by those who had
not seen him for themselves. No proof would
have been given that he was superior to death
nor would he have delivered mortality from
the law of its natural infirmity. His name
had never been heard throughout the world
nor could he have inspired his disciples with
contempt of death, or encouraged those who.
embraced his doctrine to hope for the enjoyment of a future life with
God. Nor would he
have fulfilled the assurances of his own promise, nor have accomplished
the predictions of
the prophets concerning himself. Nor would
he have undergone the last conflict of all; for
this was to be the struggle with the power
of death. For all these reasons, then, and 4
inasmuch as it was necessary that the mortal
body which had rendered such service to the Divine Word should meet
with an end worthy its sacred occupant, the manner of his death was
ordained accordingly. For since but two alternatives remained: either to
consign his body entirely to corruption, and so to bring the scene of
life to a dishonored close, or else to prove himself victorious over
death, and render mortality immortal by the act of Divine power; the
former of these alternatives would have contravened his own promise. For
as it is not the property of fire to cool, nor of light to darken, no
more is it compatible with life, to deprive of life, or with Divine
intelligence, to act in a manner contrary to reason. For how would it be
consistent,with reason, that he who had promised
605
life to others, should permit his own body, the form which he had
chosen, to perish beneath the power of corruption? That he who had
inspired his disciples with hopes of immortality,
should yield this exponent of his Divine
5 counsels to be destroyed by death? The
second alternative was therefore needful
I mean, that he should assert his dominion over the power of death. But
how? should this be a furtive and secret act, or openly performed and in
the sight of all? So mighty an achievement, had it remained unknown and
unrevealed, must have failed of its effect as regards the interests of
men; whereas the same event, if openly declared and understood, would,
from its wondrous character, redound to the common benefit of all. With
reason, therefore, since it was needful to prove his body victorious
over death, and that not secretly but before the eyes of men, he shrank
not from the trial, for this indeed would have argued fear, and a sense
of inferiority to the power of death, but maintained that conflict with
the enemy which has rendered mortality immortal; a conflict undertaken
for the life, the immortality, the salvation of all. 6 Suppose one
desired to show us that a vessel could resist the force of fire; how
could he better prove the fact than by casting it into the furnace and
thence withdrawing it entire and unconsumed? Even thus the Word of God
who is the source of life to all, desiring to prove the triumph of that
body over death which he had assumed for man's salvation, and to make
this body partake his own life and immortality, pursued a course
consistent with this object. Leaving his body for a little while, (1)
and delivering it up to death in proof of its mortal nature, he soon
redeemed it from death, in vindication of that Divine power whereby he
has manifested the immortality which he has promised to 7 be utterly
beyond the sphere of death. The reason of this is clear. It was needful
that l his disciples should receive ocular proof of the certainty of
that resurrection on which he had taught them to rest their hopes as a
motive for rising superior to the fear of death. It was indeed most
needful that they who purposed to pursue a life of godliness should
receive a clear impression of this essential truth: more needful still
for those who were destined to declare his name in all the world, and
to communicate to mankind that knowledge of God which he 8 had before
ordained for all nations. For such the strongest conviction of a future
life was necessary, that they might be able with fearless and
unshrinking zeal to maintain the conflict with Gentile and polytheistic
error: a conflict the dangers of which they would never,
have been prepared to meet, except as habituated to the contempt of
death. Accordingly, in arming his disciples against the power of this
last enemy, he delivered not his doctrines in mere verbal precepts, nor
attempted to prove the soul's immortality, by persuasive and probable
arguments; but displayed to them in his
own person a real victory over death. Such 9
was the first and greatest reason of our
Saviour's conflict with the power of death, whereby he proved to his
disciples the nothingness of that which is the terror of all mankind,
and afforded a visible evidence of the reality of that life which he had
promised; presenting as it were a first-fruit of our common hope, of
future life and immortality in the presence of God.
The second cause of his resurrection was, 10
that the Divine power might be manifested
which dwelt in his mortal body. Mankind had heretofore conferred Divine
honors on men who had yielded to the power of death, and had given the
titles of gods and heroes to mortals like themselves. For this reason,
therefore, the Word of God evinced his gracious character, and proved to
man his own superiority over death, recalling his mortal body to a
second life, displaying an immortal triumph over death in the eyes of
all, and teaching them to acknowledge the Author of such a victory to be
the only
true God, even in death itself. I may 11
allege yet a third cause of the Saviour's
death. He was the victim offered to the Supreme Sovereign of the
universe for the whole human race: a victim consecrated for the need of
the human race, and for the overthrow of the errors of demon worship.
For as soon as the one holy and mighty sacrifice, the sacred body of our
Saviour, had been slain for man, to be as a ransom for all nations,
heretofore involved in the guilt of impious superstition, thenceforward
the power of impure and unholy spirits was utterly abolished, and every
earth-born and delusive error was at once weakened and
destroyed. Thus, then, this salutary victim 12
taken from among themselves, I mean the
mortal body of the Word, was offered on behalf
of the common race of men. This was that
sacrifice delivered up to death, of which the sacred oracles speak:
"Behold the Lamb of God,
which taketh away the sin of the world." (2) And
again, as follows: "He was led as a sheep to
the slaughter, and as a lamb before the shearer
is dumb." They declare also the cause, saying:
"He bears our sins, and is pained for us: yet
we accounted him to be in trouble, and in suffering, and in affliction.
But he was wounded on
account of our sins, and bruised because of our
iniquities: the chastisement of our peace was
606
upon him; and by his bruises we were healed. All we as sheep have gone
astray; every one has gone astray in this way; and the Lord gave
him up for our sins.'' (3)
13 Such were the causes which led to the
offering of the human body of the Word of
God. But forasmuch as he was the great high
priest, consecrated to the Supreme Lord and
King, and therefore more than a victim, the
Word, the Power, and the Wisdom of God;
he soon recalled his body from the grasp of
death, presented it to his Father as the first-fruit
of our common salvation, and raised this trophy,
a proof at once of his victory over death and
Satan, and of the abolition of human sacrifices,
for the blessing of all mankind.
CHAPTER XVI.
1 AND now the time is come for us to proceed to the
demonstration of these things;
if indeed such truths require demonstration, and if the aid of
testimony be needful to confirm the certainty of palpable facts. Such
testimony, however, shall be here given; and let it be received with an
attentive and gracious ear.
2 Of old the nations of the earth, the entire
human race, were variously distributed into
provincial, national, and local governments, (1) subject to kingdoms
and principalities of many kinds. The consequences of this variety were
war and strife, depopulation and captivity, which raged in country and
city with unceasing fury. Hence, too, the countless subjects of history,
adulteries, and rapes of women; hence the woes of Troy, and the ancient
tragedies, so known 3 among all peoples. The origin of these may justly
be ascribed to the delusion of polytheistic error. But when that
instrument of our redemption, the thrice holy body of Christ, which
proved itself superior to all Satanic fraud, and free from evil both in
word and deed, was raised, at once for the abolition of ancient evils,
and in token of his victory over the powers of darkness; the energy of
these evil spirits was at once destroyed. The manifold forms of
government, the tyrannies and republics, the siege of cities, and
devastation of countries caused thereby, were now no more, and one God 4
was proclaimed to all mankind. At the same time one universal power,
the Roman empire, arose and flourished, while the enduring and
implacable hatred of nation against nation was now removed: and as the
knowledge of
one God, and one way of religion and salvation, even the doctrine of
Christ, was made known to all mankind; so at the self-same period, the
entire dominion of the Roman empire being vested in a single sovereign,
profound peace reigned throughout the world. And thus, by the express
appointment of the same God, two roots of blessing, the Roman empire,
and the doctrine of Christian piety, sprang up together for the benefit
of men. For before 5 this time the various countries of the world, as
Syria, Asia, Macedonia, Egypt, and Arabia, had been severally subject to
different rulers. The Jewish people, again, had established their
dominion in the laud of Palestine. And these nations, in every village,
city, and district, actuated by some insane spirit, were engaged in
incessant and murderous war and conflict. But two mighty powers,
starting from the same point, the Roman empire, which henceforth was
swayed by a single sovereign, and the Christian religion, subdued and
reconciled these contending elements. Our Saviour's mighty 6 power
destroyed at once the many governments and the many gods of the powers
of darkness, and proclaimed to all men, both rude and civilized, to the
extremities of the earth, the sole sovereignty of God himself. Meantime
the Roman empire, the causes of multiplied governments being thus
removed, effected an easy conquest of those which yet remained; its
object being to unite all nations in one harmonious whole; an object in
great measure already secured, and destined to be still more perfectly
attained, even to the final conquest of the ends of the habitable world,
by means of the salutary doctrine, and through the aid of that Divine
power which facilitates and smooths its way. And surely this must
appear a wondrous 7 fact to those who will examine the question in the
love of truth, and desire not to cavil at these blessings. (2) The
falsehood of demon superstition was convicted: the inveterate strife and
mutual hatred of the nations was removed: at the same time One God, and
the knowledge of that God, were proclaimed to all: one universal empire
prevailed; and the whole human race, subdued by the controlling power
of peace and concord, received one another as brethren, and responded
to the feelings of their common nature. Hence, as children of one God
and Father, and owning true religion as their common mother, they
saluted and welcomed each other with words of peace. Thus the whole
world appeared like one well-ordered and united family: each one might
journey unhindered as far as and whithersoever he pleased: men might
607
securely travel from West to East, and from East to West, as to their
own native country: in short, the ancient oracles and predictions of
the prophets were fulfilled, more numerous than we can at present
cite, and those especially which speak as follows concerning the saving
Word. "He shall have dominion from sea to sea, and from the river to the
ends of the earth." And again, "In his days shall righteousness spring
up; and abundance of peace." "And they shall beat their swords into
plough-shares, and their spears into sickles: and nation shall not take
up sword against nation, neither shall
8 they learn to war any more.'' (3) These
words, predicted ages before in the Hebrew
tongue, have received in our own day a visible fulfillment, by which
the testimonies of the ancient oracles are clearly confirmed. And now,
if thou still desire more ample proof, receive it, not in words, but
from the facts themselves. Open the eyes of thine understanding expand
the gates of thought; pause awhile, and consider; inquire of thyself as
though thou weft another, and thus diligently examine the nature of the
case. What king or prince in any age of the world, what philosopher,
legislator, or prophet, in civilized or barbarous lands, has attained so
great a height of excellence, I say not after death, but while living
still, and full of mighty power, as to fill the ears and tongues of all
mankind with the praises of his name? Surely none save our only Saviour
has done this, when, after his victory over death, he spoke the word to
his followers, and fulfilled it by the event, saying to them, "Go ye,
and make disciples of all nations in my name.'' (4) He it was who gave
the distinct assurance, that his gospel must be preached in all the
world for a tes testimony to all nations, and immediately
verified his word: for within a little time the world
itself was filled with his doctrine. How, then, will those who caviled
at the commencement of my speech be able to reply to this? For surely
the force of ocular testimony is superior to any verbal argument. Who
else than he, with an invisible and yet potent hand, has driven from
human society like savage beasts that ever noxious and destructive tribe
of evil spirits who of old had made all nations their prey, and by the
motions of their images had practiced many a delusion among men? Who
else, beside our Saviour, by the invocation of his name, and by
unfeigned prayer addressed through him to the Supreme God, has given
power to banish from the world the remnant of
those wicked spirits to those who with genuine and sincere obedience
pursue the course of life and conduct which he has himself prescribed?
Who else but our Saviour has taught his followers to offer those
bloodless and reasonable sacrifices which are performed by prayer and
the secret worship of God? Hence is it that throughout the habitable
world altars are erected, and churches dedicated, wherein these
spiritual and rational sacrifices are offered as a sacred service by
every nation to the One Supreme God. Once more, who but he, with
invisible and secret power, has suppressed and utterly abolished those
bloody sacrifices which were offered with fire and smoke, as well as the
cruel and senseless immolation of human victims; a fact which is
attested by the heathen historians themselves? For it was not till after
the publication of the Saviour's Divine doctrine, about the time of
Hadrian's reign, that the practice of human sacrifice was universally
abandoned. Such and so manifest are the 11
proofs of our Saviour's power and energy
after death. Who then can be found of spirit so obdurate as to withhold
his assent to the truth, and refuse to acknowledge his life to be
Divine? Such deeds as I have described are done by the living, not the
dead; and visible acts are to us as evidence of those which we cannot
see. It is as it were an event of yesterday that an impious and godless
race disturbed and confounded the peace of human society, and possessed
mighty power. But these, as soon as life departed, lay prostrate on the
earth, worthless as dung, breathless, motionless, bereft of speech, and
have left neither fame nor memorial behind. For such is the condition of
the dead; and he who no longer lives is nothing: and how can he who is
nothing be capable of any act? But how shall his existence be called in
question, whose active power and energy are greater than in those who
are still alive? And though he be invisible to the natural eye, yet the
discerning faculty is not in outward sense. We do not comprehend the
rules of art, or the theories of science, by bodily sensation; nor has
any eye yet discerned the mind of man. Far less, then, the power of
God: and in such cases our judgment is formed from apparent results.
Even thus are we bound to judge of our Saviour's invisible power, and
decide by its manifest effects whether we shall acknowledge the mighty
operations which he is even now carrying on to be the works of a living
agent; or whether they shall be ascribed to one who has no existence;
or, lastly, whether the inquiry be not absurd and inconsistent in
itself. For with what reason can we assert the existence of one who is
not? Since all allow that that which has no existence
608
is devoid of that power, and energy, and action, for these are
characteristics of the living, but the contrary is characteristic of the
dead.
CHAPTER XVII.
1 AND now the time is come for us to consider the works of our
Saviour in our own
age, and to contemplate the living operations of the living God. For
how shall we describe these mighty works save as living proofs of the
power of a living agent, who truly enjoys the life of God? If any one
inquire the nature
2 of these works, let him now attend. But
recently a class of persons, impelled by
furious zeal, and backed by equal power and military force, evinced
their enmity against God, by destroying his churches, and overthrowing
from their foundations the buildings dedicated to his worship. In short,
in every way they directed their attacks against the unseen God, and
assailed him with a thousand shafts of impious words. But he who is
invisible avenged himself with an invisible hand. By the single fiat of
his will his enemies were utterly destroyed, they who a little while
before had been flourishing in great prosperity, exalted by their fellow
men as worthy of divine honor, and blessed with a continued period of
power and glory, (1) so long as they had maintained peace and amity
with him whom they afterwards opposed. As soon, however, as they dared
openly to resist his will, and to set their gods in array against him
whom we adore; immediately, according to the will and power of
that God against whom their arms were raised, they all received the
judgment due to their audacious deeds. Constrained to yield and flee
before his power, together they acknowledged his Divine nature, and
hastened to reverse the measures which they had before essayed.
4 Our Saviour, therefore, without delay erected
trophies of this victory everywhere, and
once more adorned the world with holy temples and consecrated houses of
prayer; in every city and village, nay, throughout all countries, and
even in barbaric wilds, ordaining the erection of churches and sacred
buildings to the honor of the Supreme God and Lord of all. Hence it is
that these hallowed edifices are deemed worthy to bear his name, and
receive not their appellation from men, but from the Lord himself, from
which circumstances they
are called churches (or houses of the 5 Lord). (2)
And now let him who will stand
forth and tell us who, after so complete a
desolation, has restored these sacred buildings
from foundation to roof? Who, when all hope
appeared extinct, has caused them to rise on a
nobler scale than heretofore? And well may it
claim our wonder, that this renovation was not
subsequent to the death of those adversaries of
God, but whilst the destroyers of these edifices
were still alive; so that the recantation of their
evil deeds came in their own words and edicts. (3)
And this they did, not in the sunshine of prosperity and ease (for then
we might suppose that
benevolence or clemency might be the cause),
but at the very time that they were suffering
under the stroke of Divine vengeance.
Who, again, has been able to retain in6
obedience to his heavenly precepts, after
so many successive storms of persecution, nay,
in the very crisis of danger, so many persons
throughout the world devoted to philosophy,
and the service of God and those holy choirs
of virgins who had dedicated themselves to a
life of perpetual chastity and purity? Who
taught them cheerfully to persevere in the exercise of protracted
fasting, and to embrace a life
of severe and consistent self-denial? Who has
persuaded multitudes of either sex to devote
themselves to the study of sacred things, and
prefer to bodily nutriment that intellectual food
which is suited to the wants of a rational soul? (4)
Who has instructed barbarians and peasants,
yea, feeble women, slaves, and children, in
short, unnumbered multitudes of all nations, to
live in the contempt of death; persuaded of
the immortality of their souls, conscious that
human actions are observed by the unerring eye
of justice, expecting God's award to the righteous and the wicked, and
therefore true to the
practice of a just and virtuous life? For they
could not otherwise have persevered in the
course of godliness. Surely these are the acts
which our Saviour, and he alone, even now per-
forms. And now let us pass from these
topics, and endeavor by inquiries such as 7
these that follow to convince the objector's
obdurate understanding. Come forward, then, whoever thou art, and speak
the words of reason: utter, not the thoughts of a senseless heart, but
those of an intelligent and enlightened mind: speak, I say, after deep
solemn converse with thyself. Who of the sages whose names have yet been
known to fame, has ever been fore-known and proclaimed from the
remotest ages, as our Saviour was by the prophetic oracles to the once
divinely-favored Hebrew nation? But
609
his very birth-place, the period of his advent the manner of his life,
his miracles, and words and mighty acts, were anticipated and recorded
in the sacred volumes of these prophets.
8 Again, who so present an avenger of crimes
against himself; so that, as the immediate
consequence of their impiety, the entire Jewish people were scattered
by an unseen power, their royal seat utterly removed, and their very
temple with its holy things levelled with the ground? Who, like our
Saviour, has uttered predictions at once concerning that impious nation
and the establishment of his church throughout the world, and has
equally verified both by the event? Respecting the temple of these
wicked men, our Saviour said: "Your house is left unto you desolate":
(5) and, "There shall not be left one stone upon another in this place,
that shall not be thrown down." (6) And again, of his church he says: "I
will build my church upon a rock, and the gates of hell
9 shall not prevail against it." (7) How wondrous, too, must that power
be deemed
which summoned obscure and unlettered men
from their fisher's trade, and made them the
legislators and instructors of the human race!
And how clear a demonstration of his deity do
we find in the promise so well performed, that
he would make them fishers of men: in the
power and energy which he bestowed, so that
they composed and published writings of such
authority that they were translated into every
civilized and barbarous language,s were read
and pondered by all nations, and the doctrines 14
contained in them accredited as the
oracles of God! How marvelous his pre-
dictions of the future, and the testimony whereby his disciples were
forewarned that they should be brought before kings and rulers, and
should endure the severest punishments, not indeed as criminals, but
simply for their confession of his name! Or who shall adequately
describe the power with which he prepared them thus to suffer with a
willing mind, and enabled them, strong in the armor of godliness, to
maintain a constancy of spirit indomitable in the midst
11 of conflict? Or how shall we enough
admire that steadfast firmness of soul which
strengthened, not merely his immediate followers,. but their successors
also, even to our present age, in the joyful endurance of every
infliction, 1 and every form of torture, in proof of their
devotion to the Supreme God? Again, what monarch has prolonged his
government through so vast a series of ages? Who else has power
to make war after death, to triumph over every enemy, to subjugate each
barbarous and civilized nation and city, and to subdue his adversaries
with an invisible and secret hand? Lastly, and chief of all, what
slanderous lip shall dare to question that universal peace to which we
have already referred;
established by his power throughout the world
For thus the mutual concord and harmony of all nations coincided in
point of time with the extension of our Saviour's doctrine and preaching
in all the world: a concurrence of events predicted in long ages past
by the prophets of God. The day itself would fail me, gracious emperor,
should I attempt to exhibit in a single view those cogent proofs of our
Saviour's Divine power which even now are visible in their effects; for
no human being, in civilized or barbarous nations, has ever yet
exhibited such power of Divine virtue as our Saviour. But why do I
speak of men, since of the beings whom all nations have deemed divine,
none has appeared on earth with power like to his? If there has, let
the fact now be proved. Come forward, ye philosophers, and tell us what
god or hero has yet been known to fame, who has delivered the doctrines
of eternal life and a heavenly kingdom as he has done who is our
Saviour? Who, like him, has persuaded multitudes throughout the world
to pursue the principles of Divine wisdom, to fix their hope on heaven
itself, and look forward to the mansions there reserved for them that
love God? What god or hero in human form has ever held his course from
the rising to the setting sun, a course co-extensive as it were with
the solar light, and irradiated mankind with the bright and glorious
beams of his doctrine, causing each nation of the earth to render
united worship to the One true God? What god or hero yet, as he has
done, has set aside all gods and heroes among civilized or barbarous
nations
has ordained that divine honors should be withheld from all, and chimed
obedience to that command: and then, though singly conflicting with the
power of all, has utterly destroyed the opposing hosts; victorious over
the gods and heroes of every age, and causing himself alone, in
every region of the habitable world, to be acknowledged by all people as
the only Son
of God? Who else has commanded the 14
nations inhabiting the continents and islands
of this mighty globe to assemble weekly on the Lord's day, and to
observe it as a festival, not indeed for the pampering of the body, but
for the invigoration of the soul by instruction in Divine truth? What
god or hero, exposed, as our Saviour was, to so sore a conflict, has
raised
610
the trophy of victory over every foe? For they indeed, from first to
last, unceasingly assailed his doctrine and his people: but he who is
invisible, by the exercise of a secret power, has raised his servants
and the sacred houses of their worship to the height of glory.
But why should we still vainly aim at detailing
those Divine proofs of our Saviour's power which no language can
worthily express; which need indeed no words of ours, but themselves
appeal in loudest tones to those whose mental ears are open to the
truth? Surely it is a strange, a wondrous fact, unparalleled in the
annals of human life; that the blessings we have described should be
accorded to our mortal race, and that he who is in truth the only, the
eternal Son of God, should thus be visible on earth.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THESE words of ours, however, [gracious] Sovereign,
may well appear superfluous in your ears, convinced as you are, by
frequent and personal experience, of our Saviour's Deity; yourself also,
in actions still more than words, a her-aid of the truth to all
mankind. Yourself, it may be, will vouchsafe at a time of leisure to
relate to us the abundant manifestations which your Saviour has accorded
you of his presence, and the oft-repeated visions of himself which have
at-tended you in the hours of sleep. I speak not of those secret
suggestions which to us are un-revealed: but of those principles which
he has instilled into your own mind, and which are fraught with general
interest and benefit to the human race. You will yourself relate in
worthy
terms the visible protection which your Divine shield and guardian has
extended in the hour of battle; the ruin of your open and secret foes;
and his ready aid in time of peril. To him you will ascribe relief in
the midst of perplexity; defence in solitude; expedients in extremity;
foreknowledge of events yet future; your fore thought for the general
weal; your power to investigate uncertain questions; your conduct of
most important enterprises; your administration of civil affairs; (1)
your military arrangements, and correction of abuses in all departments;
your ordinances respecting public right; and, lastly, your legislation
for the common benefit of all. You will, it may be, also detail to us
those particulars of his favor which are secret to us, but known to you
alone, and treasured in your royal memory as in secret storehouses.
Such, doubtless, are the reasons, and such the convincing proofs of
your Saviour's power, which caused you to raise that sacred edifice
which presents to all, believers and unbelievers alike, a trophy of his
victory over death, a holy temple of the holy God: to consecrate those
noble and splendid monuments of immortal life and his heavenly kingdom:
to offer memorials of our Almighty Saviour's conquest which well become
the imperial dignity of him by whom they are bestowed. With such
memorials have you adorned that edifice which witnesses of eternal
life: thus, as it were in imperial characters, ascribing victory and
triumph to the heavenly Word of God: thus proclaiming to all nations,
with clear and unmistakable voice, in deed and word, your own devout
and pious confession of his name.
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