Cassius Dio
Roman History
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Book XXXVII
The following is contained in the Thirty-seventh of Dio's Rome:—
How Pompey fought against the Asiatic Iberians (chaps. 1-5).
How Pompey annexed Pontus to Bithynia [lost between chaps. 7 and 8]
How Pompey brought Syria and Phoenicia under his sway [lost between
chaps. 7 and 8]
How Mithridates died (chaps. 10-14).
About the Jews (chaps. 15-19).
How Pompey after settling affairs in Asia returned to Rome (chaps.
20-23).
About Cicero and Catiline and their doings (chaps. 24-42).
About Caesar and Pompey and Crassus and their league (chaps. 43-58).
Duration of time, six years, in which there were the following
magistrates (consuls), here enumerated:—
B.C.
65
L. Aurelius M. F. Cotta, L. Manilius L. F. Torquatus.
64
L. Julius L. F. Caesar, C.Marcius C. F. Figulus.
63
M. Tullius M. F. Cicero, C. Antonius M. F.
62
D. Junius M. F. Silanus, L. Licinius L. F. Murena.
61
M. Pupius M. F. Piso, M. Valerius M. F. Messalla
Niger.
60
L.Afranius A. F., C. Caecilius C. F. Metellus Celer.
The year following these exploits, in the consulship of Lucius Cotta
and Lucius Torquatus, Pompey engaged in warfare with both the Albanians
and the Iberians. Now it was with the Iberians that he was compelled to
fight first and quite contrary to his purpose. They dwell on both sides
of the Cyrnus, adjoining the Albanians on the one hand and the
Armenians on the other; and Artoces, their king, fearing that Pompey
would direct his course against him, too, sent envoys to him on a
pretence of peace, but prepared to attack him at a time when he should
be feeling secure and therefore be off his guard. Pompey, learning of
this also in good season, invaded the territory of Artoces before the
other had made sufficient preparations or had secured the pass on the
frontier, which was well-nigh impregnable. In fact he had advanced as
far as the city called Acropolis before Artoces became aware that he
was at hand. This fortress was right at the narrowest point, where the
Cyrnus flows on the one side and the Caucasus extends on the other, and
had been built there in order to guard the pass. Thus Artoces,
panic-stricken, had no chance to array his forces, but crossed the
river, burning down the bridge; and those within the fortress, in view
of his flight and also of a defeat they sustained in battle,
surrendered. Pompey, after making himself master of the pass, left a
garrison in charge of it, and advancing from that point, subjugated all
the territory this side of the river.
But when he was on the point of crossing the Cyrnus also, Artoces sent
to him requesting peace and promising to yield the bridge to him
voluntarily and to furnish him with provisions. Both of these promises
the king fulfilled as if he intended to come to terms, but becoming
afraid when he saw his enemy already across, he fled away to the
Pelorus, another river that flowed through his domain. Thus he first
drew on, and then ran away from, the enemy whom he might have hindered
from crossing. Upon perceiving this Pompey pursued, overtook, and
conquered him. By a charge he came to close quarters with the enemy's
bowmen before they could show their skill, and very promptly routed
them. Thereupon Artoces crossed the Pelorus and fled, burning the
bridge over that stream too; of the rest some were killed in conflict,
and some while fording the river. Many others scattered through the
woods and survived for a few days, while they shot their arrows from
the trees, which were exceedingly tall; but soon the trees were cut
down under them and they also were slain. So Artoces again made
overtures to Pompey, and sent gifts. These the other accepted, in order
that the king in the hope of securing a truce might not proceed any
farther; but he would not agree to grant peace till the petitioner
should first send to him his children as hostages. Artoces, however,
delayed for a time, until in the course of the summer the Pelorus
became fordable in places, and the Romans crossed over without any
difficulty, particularly since no one hindered them; then at last he
sent his children to Pompey and concluded a treaty.
Pompey, learning now that the Phasis was not far distant, decided to
descend along its course to Colchis and thence to march to Bosporus
against Mithridates. He advanced as he intended, traversing the
territory of the Colchians and their neighbours, using persuasion in
some quarters and fear in others. But, perceiving at this point that
the route on land led through many unknown and hostile tribes, and that
the voyage by sea was still more difficult on account of the lack of
harbours in the country and on account of the people inhabiting the
region, he ordered the fleet to blockade Mithridates so as to see that
he did not sail away anywhere and to prevent his importing provisions,
while he himself directed his course against the Albanians. He did not
take the most direct route, but first turned back into Armenia, in
order that by such a course, taken in connection with the truce, he
might find them off their guard. He forded the Cyrnus at a point where
the summer had made it passable, ordering the cavalry to cross down
stream, with the baggage animals next, and then the infantry. His
object was that the horses should break the violence of the current
with their bodies, and if even so any one of the pack-animals should be
swept off its feet it might collide with the men crossing on the lower
side and not be carried farther down. From there he marched to the
Cambyses, without suffering any injury at the hands of the enemy; but
as a result of the heat and consequent thirst both he and the whole
army suffered severely, notwithstanding the greater part of the march
was covered at night. For their guides, who were from among the
captives, did not lead them by the most suitable route, nor indeed was
the river of any advantage to them; for the water, of which they drank
great quantities, was very cold and proved injurious to many. When no
resistance was offered to them at this place either, they marched on to
the Abas, carrying supplies of water only; for they received everything
else by the free gift of the natives, and for this reason they
committed no depredations.
After they had already got across the river it was announced that
Oroeses was coming up. Now Pompey was anxious to lead him into conflict
before he should find out the number of the Romans, for fear that when
he learned it he might retreat. Accordingly he marshalled his cavalry
in front, giving them notice beforehand what they should do; and he
kept the rest behind them in a kneeling position and covered with their
shields, causing them to remain motionless, so that Oroeses should not
ascertain their presence until he came to close quarters. Thereupon the
barbarian, in contempt for the cavalry, whom he supposed to be alone,
joined battle with them, and when after a little they purposely turned
to flight, he pursued them at full speed. Then the foot-soldiers
suddenly rose and by extending their front not only afforded their own
men a safe means of escape through the ranks but also received within
their lines the enemy, who were heedlessly bent on pursuit, and
surrounded a number of them. So these troops cut down those caught
inside the circle; and the cavalry, some of whom went around on the
right and some on the other side of them, assailed are the rear those
who were on the outside. Each force slaughtered many there, and burned
to death others who had fled into the woods, crying out the while,
"Aha, the Saturnalia!" with reference to the attack made on that
occasion by the Albanians.
After accomplishing this and overrunning the country, Pompey granted
peace to the Albanians, and on the arrival of heralds concluded a truce
with some of the other tribes that dwell along the Caucasus as far as
the Caspian Sea, where the mountains, which begin at Pontus, come to an
end. Phraates likewise sent to him, desiring to renew the treaty with
him. For the sight of Pompey's success, and the fact that his
lieutenants were also subjugating the rest of Armenia and that part of
Pontus, and that Gabinius had even advanced across the Euphrates as far
as the Tigris, filled him with fear of them, and he was anxious to have
the truce confirmed. He accomplished nothing, however; for Pompey, in
view of the present situation and the hopes which it inspired, held him
in contempt and replied haughtily to the ambassadors, among other
things demanding back the territory of Corduene, concerning which
Phraates was quarrelling with Tigranes. When the envoys made no answer,
inasmuch as they had received no instructions on this point, he wrote a
few words to Phraates, but instead of waiting for a reply sent Afranius
into the territory at once, and having occupied it without a battle,
gave it to Tigranes. Afranius, returning through mesa to Syria,
contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian, wandered from the way
and encountered many hardships by reason of the winter and the lack of
supplies. Indeed, his troops would have perished, had not the
Carrhaeans, Macedonian colonists who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity,
received him and helped him forward.
This was the treatment which Pompey in the fulness of his power
accorded to Phraates, thereby indicating very clearly to those desiring
to indulge their greed that everything depends on armed force, and that
he who is victorious by its aid wins inevitably the right to lay down
whatever laws he pleases. Furthermore, he showed contempt for the title
of Phraates, in which that ruler delighted before all the world and
before the Romans themselves, and by which the latter had always
addressed him. For whereas he was called "King of Kings," Pompey
clipped off the phrase "of Kings" and addressed his demands merely "to
the King" when writing; and yet he later, of his own accord and
contrary to custom, gave this title to the captive Tigranes, when he
celebrated his triumph over him in Rome. Phraates, consequently,
although he feared and paid court to him, was vexed at this, feeling
that he had actually been deprived of his kingdom; and he sent
ambassadors, reproaching him with all the wrongs he had suffered, and
forbidding him to cross the Euphrates.
When Pompey gave him no conciliatory reply, Phraates immediately began
a campaign in the spring against Tigranes, being accompanied by the
latter's son, to whom he had given his daughter in marriage. This was
in the consulship of Lucius Caesar and Gaius Figulus. In the first
battle Phraates was beaten, but later was victorious. And when Tigranes
invoked the assistance of Pompey, who was in Syria, Phraates again sent
ambassadors to the Roman commander, bringing many charges against
Tigranes, and making many insinuations against the Romans, so that
Pompey was both ashamed and alarmed. As a result he lent no aid to
Tigranes and no longer took any hostile measures against Phraates,
offering the excuse that no such expedition had been assigned to him
and that Mithridates was still in arms. He declared himself satisfied
with what had been accomplished and did not wish to undertake further
risks, lest in striving for additional results he might impair the
successes already won by some reverse, as Lucullus had done. Such was
his philosophy, and he maintained that covetousness was a dangerous
thing, and to aim at the possessions of others unjust,— now that he was
no longer able to make use of them. For he feared the forces of the
Parthian and dreaded the uncertain issue of events, and so did not
undertake this war, although many urged him to do so. As for the
barbarian's complaints, he made light of them, offering no answer, but
asserting that the dispute which the prince had with Tigranes concerned
some boundaries, and that three men should decide the case for them.
These he actually sent, and they were enrolled as bonâ fide
arbitrators by the two kings, who then settled all their mutual
complaints. For Tigranes was angry at not having obtained the desired
aid, and Phraates wishes the Armenian ruler to survive, so that in case
of need he might some day have him as an ally against the Romans. For
they both well understood that whichever of them should conquer the
other would simply help along matters for the Romans and would himself
become easier for them to subdue. For these reasons, then, they were
reconciled.
Pompey passed this winter likewise in Aspis, winning over the districts
that were still resisting, and taking also Symphorion, a fort which
Stratonice betrayed to him. She was the wife of Mithridates, and in her
anger against him because she had been left there she sent out the
garrison, ostensibly to collect supplies, and then let the Romans in,
although her child was with ...
Returning from Armenia Pompey arbitrated disputes and managed other
business for kings and potentates who came to him. He confirmed some in
possession of their kingdoms, added to the principalities of others,
and curtailed and humbled the excessive powers of a few. Coele-Syria
and Phoenicia, which had lately rid themselves of their kings and had
been ravaged by the Arabians and Tigranes, were united by him.
Antiochus had dared to ask them back, but did not secure them; instead,
they were combined into one province and received laws so that they
were governed in the Roman fashion.
... Not for this alone did Caesar receive praise during his aedileship,
but also because he exhibited both the Ludi Romani and the Megalenses
on the most expensive scale and furthermore arranged gladiatorial
contests in his father's honour in the most magnificent manner. For,
although the cost of these entertainments was in part shared jointly
with his colleague Marcus Bibulus, and only in part borne by him
individually, yet he so far excelled in the funeral contests as to gain
for himself the credit for the others too, and was thought to have
borne the whole cost himself. Even Bibulus accordingly joked about it,
saying that he had suffered the same fate as Pollux; for, although that
hero possessed a temple in common with his brother Castor, it was named
after the latter only.
Over these successes the Romans naturally rejoiced, but the portents
that occurred thoroughly disquieted them. On the Capitol many statues
and images were melted by thunderbolts, among others one of Jupiter,
set upon a pillar; and a likeness of the she-wolf with Romulus and
Remus, mounted on a pedestal, fell down; also the letters of the
columns on which the laws were inscribed became blurred and indistinct.
Accordingly, on the advice of the soothsayers they offered many
expiatory sacrifices and voted that a larger statue of Jupiter should
be set up, looking toward the east and the Forum, in order that the
conspiracies by which they were disturbed might come to light.
Such were the occurrences of that year. The censors also became
involved in a dispute about the people living beyond the Po, one
believing it wise to admit them to citizenship, while the other did
not; so they did not even perform any of their other duties, but
resigned their office. And for the same reason their successors, too,
did nothing in the following year, inasmuch as the tribunes hindered
them in regard to the senatorial list, fearing that they themselves
might be expelled from that body. Meanwhile all those who were resident
aliens in Rome, except inhabitants of what is now Italy, were banished
on the motion of one Gaius Papius, a tribune, because they were coming
to be too numerous and were not thought fit persons to dwell with the
citizens.
In the following year, when Figulus and Lucius Caesar were in office,
the events were few, but worthy of remembrance in view of the
contradictions in human affairs. For the man who had slain Lucretius at
the instance of Sulla, and another who had slain many of the persons
proscribed by him, were tried for the murders and punished, Julius
Caesar being most instrumental in bringing this about. Thus changing
circumstances often render very weak even those exceedingly powerful.
This matter, then, turned out contrary to most people's expectation, as
did also the case of Catiline, who, although charged with the same
crimes as the others (for he, too, had killed many of the proscribed),
was acquitted. And from this very circumstance he became far worse and
even lost his life as a result. For, when Marcus Cicero had become
consul with Gaius Antonius, and Mithridates no longer caused any injury
to the Romans, but had destroyed himself, Catiline undertook to set up
a new government, and by banding together the allies against the state
threw the people into fear of a mighty conflict. Now these two events
came about as follows.
Mithridates did not give way himself under his misfortunes, but relying
more on his will than on his power, he planned, especially as Pompey
was now tarrying in Syria, to reach the Ister through Scythia, and from
there to invade Italy. For, inasmuch as he was by nature given to great
projects and had met with many successes as well as many failures, he
felt there was nothing which might not be ventured or hoped for. And if
he was to fail, he preferred to perish along with his kingdom, with
pride undiminished, rather than live deprived of it in humility and
disgrace. On this idea, then, he himself grew strong; for in proportion
as he wasted away through weakness of body, the more steadfast did he
grow in strength of mind, so that he even offset the infirmity of the
former by the reasonings of the latter. But his associates, on the
other hand, became estranged, as the position of the Romans was ever
growing more secure and that of Mithridates weaker. Among other things
the greatest earthquake ever experienced destroyed many of their
cities; the soldiery also mutinied, and some of Mithridates' sons were
kidnapped and conveyed to Pompey.
Thereupon he detected and chastised some, while others he punished on
mere suspicion, before they could accomplish anything; he no longer
trusted anybody, but even put to death some of his remaining children
who incurred his suspicion. Seeing this, one of his sons, Pharnaces,
impelled at once by fear of the king and the expectation of receiving
the kingdom from the Romans, as he had now reached manhood, plotted
against him. He was detected, for many both openly and secretly were
concerning themselves with all that he was doing; and if the bodyguard
had had even the slightest good-will toward their aged sovereign, the
son would have been punished immediately. But as it was, Mithridates,
who had proved himself most wise in all matters pertaining to his royal
office, did not recognize the fact that neither arms nor a multitude of
subjects is of any real strength to any one without their friendship;
on the contrary, the more subjects a ruler has, the greater burden they
are to him, unless he holds them faithful. At any rate, Pharnaces,
followed both by the men he had made ready and by those whom his father
had sent to arrest him,— for he won these over very easily,— hastened
directly against his father himself. The old king was in Panticapaeum
when he learned this, and sent ahead some soldiers against his son
intimating that he himself would soon follow them. These also Pharnaces
quickly diverted from their purpose, inasmuch as they too did not love
Mithridates, and after receiving the voluntary submission of the city,
he put to death his father, who had fled for refuge into the palace.
Mithridates had tried to make away with himself, and after first
removing his wives and remaining children by poison, he had swallowed
all that was left; yet neither by that means nor by the sword was he
able to perish by his own hands. For the poison, although deadly, did
not prevail over him, since he had inured his constitution to it,
taking precautionary antidotes in large doses every day; and the force
of the sword blow was lessened on account of the weakness of his hand,
caused by his age and present misfortunes, and as a result of taking
the poison, whatever it was. When, therefore, he failed to take his
life through his own efforts and seemed to linger beyond the proper
time, those whom he had sent against his son fell upon him and hastened
his end with their swords and spears. Thus Mithridates, who had
experienced the most varied and remarkable fortune, had not even an
ordinary end to his life. For he desired to die, albeit unwillingly,
and though eager to kill himself was unable to do so; but partly by
poison and partly by the sword he was at once self-slain and murdered
by his foes. Pharnaces embalmed his body and sent it to Pompey as a
proof of what had been done, and surrendered himself and his dominions.
The Roman showed Mithridates no indignity, but, on the contrary,
commanded that he be buried among the tombs of his ancestors; for,
feeling that his foe's enmity had been extinguished with his life, he
now indulged in no vain rage against his dead body. Nevertheless he
granted the kingdom of Bosporus to Pharnaces as the wages of his bloody
deed, and enrolled him as a friend and ally.
After the death of Mithridates all portions of his dominion except a
few were subjugated. A few garrisons which at that time were still
holding forts outside of Bosporus, did not immediately come to terms,
not so much because they were minded to resist Pompey as because they
were afraid that others might seize the money which they were guarding
and lay the blame upon them; hence they waited, wishing to show
everything to Pompey himself. When, then, the regions in that quarter
had been subdued, and Phraates remained quiet, while Syria and
Phoenicia had become tranquil, Pompey turned against Aretas. The latter
was king of the Arabians, now subjects of the Romans, as far as the Red
Sea. Previously he had done the greatest injury to Syria and had on
this account become involved in a battle with the Romans who were
defending it; he was defeated by them, but nevertheless continued the
war at that time. Pompey accordingly marched against him and his
neighbours, and, overcoming them without effort, left them in charge of
a garrison.
Thence he proceeded against Syria Palaestina, because its inhabitants
had ravaged Phoenicia. Their rulers were two brothers, Hyrcanus and
Aristobulus, who were quarrelling themselves, as it chanced, and were
creating factions in the cities on account of the priesthood (for so
they called their kingdom) of their god, whoever he is. Pompey
immediately won over Hyrcanus without a battle, since the latter had no
force worthy of note; and by shutting up Aristobulus in a certain place
he compelled him to come to terms, and when he would surrender neither
the money nor the garrison, he threw him into chains. After this he
more easily overcame the rest, but had trouble in besieging Jerusalem.
Most of the city, to be sure, he took without any trouble, as he was
received by the party of Hyrcanus; but the temple itself, which the
other party had occupied, he captured only with difficulty. For it was
on high ground and was fortified by a wall of its own, and if they had
continued defending it on all days alike, he could not have got
possession of it. As it was, they made an excavation of what are called
the days of Saturn, and by doing no work at all on those days afforded
the Romans an opportunity in this interval to batter down the wall. The
latter, on learning of this superstitious awe of theirs, made no
serious attempts the rest of the time, but on those days, when they
came round in succession, assaulted most vigorously. Thus the defenders
were captured on the day of Saturn, without making any defence, and all
the wealth was plundered. The kingdom was given to Hyrcanus, and
Aristobulus was carried away.
This was the course of events at that time in Palestine; for this is
the name that has been given from of old to the whole country extending
from Phoenicia to Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another
name that they have acquired: the country has been named Judaea, and
the people themselves Jews. I do not know how this title came to be
given to them, but it applies also to all the rest of mankind, although
of alien race, who affect their customs. This class exists even among
the Romans, and though often repressed has increased to a very great
extent and has won its way to the right of freedom in its observances.
They are distinguished from the rest of mankind in practically every
detail of life, and especially by the fact that they do not honour any
of the usual gods, but show extreme reverence for one particular
divinity. They never had any statue of him even in Jerusalem itself,
but believing him to be unnamable and invisible, they worship him in
the most extravagant fashion on earth. They built to him a temple that
was extremely large and beautiful, except in so far as it was open and
roofless, and likewise dedicated to him the day called the day of
Saturn, on which, among many other most peculiar observances, they
undertake no serious occupation.
Now as for him, who he is and why he has been so honoured, and how they
got their superstitious awe of him, accounts have been given by many,
and moreover these matters have naught to do with this history. The
custom, however, of referring the days to the seven stars called
planets was instituted by the Egyptians, but is now found among all
mankind, though its adoption has been comparatively recent; at any rate
the ancient Greeks never understood it, so far as I am aware. But since
it is now quite the fashion with mankind generally and even with the
Romans themselves, I wish to write briefly of it, telling how and in
what way it has been so arranged. I have heard two explanations, which
are not difficult of comprehension, it is true, though they involve
certain theories. For if you apply the so-called "principle of the
tetrachord" (which is believed to constitute the basis of music) to
these stars, by which the whole universe of heaven is divided into
regular intervals, in the order in which each of them revolves, and
beginning at the outer orbit assigned to Saturn, then omitting the next
two name the lord of the fourth, and after this passing over two others
reach the seventh, and you then go back and repeat the process with the
orbits and their presiding divinities in this same manner, assigning
them to the several days, you will find all the days to be in a kind of
musical connection with the arrangement of the heavens. This is one of
the explanations given; the other is as follows. If you begin at the
first hour to count the hours of the day and of the night, assigning
the first to Saturn, the next to Jupiter, the third to Mars, the fourth
to the Sun, the fifth to Venus, the sixth to Mercury, and the seventh
to the Moon, according to the order of the cycles which the Egyptians
observe, and if you repeat the process, you will find that the first
hour of the following day comes to the Sun. And if you carry on the
operation throughout the next twenty-four hours in the same manner as
with the others, you will dedicate the first hour of the third day to
the Moon, and if you proceed similarly through the rest, each day will
receive its appropriate god. This, then, is the tradition.
Pompey, when he had accomplished what has been related, proceeded again
to Pontus and after taking over the forts returned to Asia and thence
to Greece and Italy. Thus he had won many battles, had brought into
subjection many potentates and kings, some by war and some by treaty,
he had colonized eight cities, had opened up many lands and sources of
revenue to the Romans, and had establish and organized most of the
nations in the continent of Asia then belonging to them with their own
laws and constitutions, so that even to this day they use the laws that
he laid down. Yet, great as these achievements were and unrivalled by
those of any earlier Roman, one might ascribe them both to his good
fortune and to his troops; but the act for which credit particularly
attaches to Pompey himself — a deed forever worthy of admiration — I
will now relate. He had enormous power both on sea and on land; he had
supplied himself with vast wealth from the captives; he had made
numerous potentates and kings his friends; and he had kept practically
all the communities which he ruled well disposed through benefits
conferred; and although by these means he might have occupied Italy and
gained for himself the whole Roman power, since the majority would have
accepted him voluntarily, and if any had resisted, they would certainly
have capitulated through weakness, yet he did not choose to do this.
Instead, as soon as he had crossed to Brundisium, he dismissed all his
forces on his own initiative, without waiting for any vote to be passed
in the matter by the senate or the people, and without concerning
himself at all even about their use in the triumph. For since he
understood that men held the careers of Marius and Sulla in
abomination, he did not wish to cause them any fear even for a few days
that they should undergo any similar experiences. Consequently he did
not so much as assume any additional name from his exploits, although
he might have taken many.
As for the triumph,— I refer to the one regarded as the great event,—
although according to strict precedent it was not lawful for it the
held without the presence of those who aided in winning the victory, he
nevertheless accepted it when voted to him. He celebrated the triumph
in honour of all his wars at once, including in it many trophies
beautifully decked out to represent each of his achievements, even the
smallest; and after them all came one huge one, decked out in costly
fashion and bearing an inscription stating that it was a trophy of the
inhabited world. He did not, however, add any other title to his name,
but was satisfied with that of Magnus alone, which, of course, he had
gained even before these achievements. Nor did he contrive to receive
any other extravagant honour, or even accept such as had been voted him
in his absence, except on a single occasion. These consisted in the
privilege of always wearing the laurel wreath at all public games, and
arraying himself in the cloak of a general at all of them, as well as
in the triumphal garb at the horse-races. They had been granted him
chiefly through the coöperation of Caesar, and contrary to the
advice of Marcus Cato.
As regards the former, I have already stated who he was, and how, while
paying court to the populace, and while generally striving to destroy
Pompey's power, he nevertheless made a friend of him in cases where he
would thereby please the populace and gain strength himself. But this
Cato belonged to the family of the Porcii and emulated the great Cato,
except that he had enjoyed a better Greek education than the former. He
diligently promoted the interests of the plebs, and admired no one man,
the was thoroughly devoted to the common weal. Suspicious of unlimited
power, he hated any one who had grown above his fellows, but loved any
one of the common people through pity for his weakness. He was becoming
the friend of the people such as no one else, and indulged in
outspokenness in behalf of the right, even when it involved danger. Yet
he did all this not with a view to power or glory or any honour, but
solely for the sake of a life of independence, free from the dictation
of tyrants. Such was the nature of the man who now for the first time
came forward and opposed the measures under consideration, not out of
any hostility to Pompey, but because they were contrary to precedent.
These honours, then, they granted Pompey in his absence, but none when
he had come home, though they would certainly have added others, had he
wished it. At any rate they had often bestowed many extravagant
distinctions upon other men who had possessed less authority than he,
but it is clear that they had done so unwillingly. Now Pompey knew well
that all the gifts granted by the multitude to the powerful who are in
positions of authority contain the suggestion, no matter how willingly
they are voted, of being forcibly granted at the instigation of the
strong; and that they bring no glory to those who receive them, because
it is believe that they have been obtained, not from willing donors,
but under compulsion, and not from good will, but as a result of
flattery. Hence he did not permit any one to propose any measure
whatever. This course he declared to be far better than to reject what
has once been voted you: the one course arouses hatred for the high
position that led to such measures being passed, and argues arrogance
and insolence in not accepting what is granted you by those who think
themselves your superiors or at any rate your equals; whereas by the
other course you are truly democratic both in name and in fact, not
merely by way of display, but in very truth. Thus Pompey, after having
received practically all the offices and positions of command contrary
to precedent, was now unwilling to accept any other such honours that
were liable to bring him merely envy and hatred, even from the very
givers, without enabling him to benefit any one or to be benefited.
All of this took place in the course of time. Temporarily the Romans
had a respite from war for the remainder of the year, so that they even
held the so-called augurium salutis after a very long interval. This is
a kind of augury, which is in the nature of an inquiry whether the god
permits them to ask for prosperity for the people, as if it were unholy
even to ask for it until permission is granted. It was observed on that
day of each year on which no army was going out to war, or was
preparing itself against any foes, or was fighting a battle. For this
reason, amid the constant perils, especially those of civil strife, it
was not observed. For it was very difficult for them in any case to
determine accurately upon a day free from all such disturbances, and
furthermore it would be most absurd, when they were voluntarily causing
one another unspeakable woes through party strife and were destined to
suffer ills whether they were defeated or victorious, that they should
still ask Heaven for safety. Nevertheless, it was in someway possible
at that time for the divination to be held; but it did not prove to be
regular, since some birds flew up from an unlucky quarter, and so it
was repeated. Other unlucky omens, too, occurred. Many thunderbolts
fell from a clear sky, the earth wsmiily shaken, and human apparitions
were visible in many places, and in the west flashes of fire darted up
into heaven, so that any one, even a layman, was bound to know in
advance what was signified by them. For the tribunes united with
Antonius, the consul, who was very much like themselves in character,
and one of them supported for office the sons of those exiled by Sulla,
while a second wished to grant to Publius Paetus and to Cornelius
Sulla, who had been convicted with him, the right to be members of the
senate and to hold office; another made a motion for a cancelling of
debts, and yet another for allotments of land to be made both in Italy
and in the subject territory.
These motions were taken in hand betimes by Cicero and those who were
of the same mind as he, and were suppressed before any action resulted
from them. Titus Labienus, however, by indicting Gaius Rabirius for the
murder of Saturninus caused the greatest disorder. Saturninus had been
killed some thirty-six years earlier, and the fight waged against him
by the consuls of the period had been at the direction of the senate.
Hence, as a result of the proposed trial, the senate would lose the
authority to enforce its decrees. In consequence the whole order of the
state was being disturbed; for Rabirius did not even admit the murder,
but denied it. The tribunes, however, were eager to over throw
completely the power and the dignity of the senate and were first
preparing for themselves authority to do whatever they pleased. For the
investigation of acts which had received the approval of the senate and
had been committed so many years before tended to give immunity to
those who might attempt to imitate Saturninus' conduct, and to render
ineffective the punishments for such deeds. Now the senate thought it
outrageous in any case that a man of senatorial rank, guilty of no
crime and now well advanced in years, should perish, and was all the
more enraged because the dignity of the state was being attacked and
control of affairs was being entrusted to the vilest men. Hence there
arose turbulent factions and contentions about the court, the one party
demanding that it should not be convened and the other that it should.
When the latter party won, because of Caesar and some others, there was
another clash regarding the character of the trial. Caesar himself was
judge together with Lucius Caesar, for the charge against Rabirius was
no ordinary one, but that of perduellio, as it was called; and they
condemned him, although they had not been chosen according to precedent
by the people, but by the praetor himself, which was not lawful.
Rabirius appealed, and would certainly have been convicted by the
people also, had not Metellus Celer, who was an augur and praetor,
prevented it. When nothing else would cause them to heed him and they
were unconcerned by the fact that the trial had been held in a manner
contrary to custom, he ran up to the Janiculum before they took any
vote at all, and pulled down the military flag, so that it was no
longer lawful for them to reach a decision.
Now this matter of the flag is as follows. In ancient times there were
many enemies dwelling near the city, and the Romans, fearing that while
they were holding a centuriate assembly by centuries foes might occupy
the Janiculum and attack the city, decided that not all should vote at
once, but that some men under arms should by turns always guard that
position. So they guarded it as long as the assembly lasted, but when
this was about to be adjourned, the flag was pulled down and the guards
departed; for no further business could be transacted when the post was
not guarded. This practice was observed only in the case of the
centuriate assemblies, for these were held outside the wall and all who
bore arms were obliged to attend them. Even to this day it is done as a
matter of form.
So on that occasion, when the signal was pulled down, the assembly was
adjourned and Rabirius was saved. Labienus, indeed, had the right to
bring suit again, but he did not do so.
As for Catiline, his ruin was brought about in the manner and for the
reasons which I shall now narrate. When he was again seeking the
consulship at this time and contriving in every way possible to be
elected, the senate decreed, chiefly at the instance of Cicero, that
banishment for ten years should be added by law to the penalties
established for bribery. Catiline, accordingly, believed that this
decree had been passed on his account, as was indeed the case; and so,
after collecting a small band, he attempted to slay Cicero and some
others of the foremost men on the very day of the election, in order
that he might immediately be chosen as consul. But he was unable to
carry out his plot; for Cicero learned of it in season, and informed
the senate of it, delivering a severe arraignment of Catiline. Being
unsuccessful, however, in persuading them to vote any of the measures
he asked, since his announcement was not regarded as credible and he
was suspected of having uttered false charges against the men because
of personal enmity, Cicero became frightened, now that he had given
Catiline additional provocation. He did not venture to enter the
assembly alone, as had been his custom, but took his friends along
prepared to defend him if any danger threatened; and partly for his own
safety and partly to arouse prejudice against his foes, he wore beneath
his clothing a breastplate, which he was careful to allow people to
see. For this reason and because in other ways, too, some report had
spread of a plot against him, the people became very indignant and the
fellow-conspirators of Catiline in their fear of Cicero kept quiet.
In this way new consuls were chosen, and Catiline no longer directed
his plot in secret or against Cicero and his adherents only, but
against the whole commonwealth. He assembled from Rome itself the
lowest characters and such as were always eager for a revolution and as
many as possible of the allies, by promising them the cancelling of
debts, distribution of lands, and everything else by which he was most
likely to tempt them. Upon the foremost and most powerful of them,
including Antonius the consul, he imposed the obligation of taking a
monstrous oath. For he sacrificed a boy, and after administering the
oath over his vitals, ate these in company with the others. Those who
coöperated with him most closely were: in Rome, the consul and
Publius Lentulus, who, after his consulship, had been expelled from the
senate and was now serving as praetor, in order to gain senatorial rank
again; at Faesulae, where the men of his party were collecting, one
Gaius Manlius, who was well-versed in warfare, having served among
Sulla's centurions, and also the greatest possible spendthrift. Certain
it was that he had run through all that he had gained at that epoch,
although a vast sum, by his evil practices, and was now eager for other
similar exploits.
With they were making these preparations information came to Cicero,
first, of what was occurring in the city, through some letters which
did not indicate the writer but were given to Crassus and certain
others of the optimates; and upon their publication a decree was passed
that a state of disorder existed and that a search should be made for
those responsible for it. Next came the news from Etruria, whereupon
they further voted to the consuls the custody of the city and of all
its interests, as was their custom; for to this decree was added the
command that they should take care that no harm came to the state. When
this had been done and garrisons had been stationed at many points,
there was no further sign of revolution in the city, insomuch that
Cicero was even falsely charged with blackmail; but the messages from
the Etruscans confirmed the accusation, and led to the indictment of
Catiline for violence.
Catiline at first welcomed this heartily, as if supported by a good
conscience, and pretended to make ready for the trial, even offering to
surrender himself to Cicero, so that the latter, as he put it, could
watch and see that he did not escape anywhere. As Cicero, however,
refused to take charge of him, he voluntarily took up his residence at
the house of Metellus the praetor, in order that he might be as free as
possible from the suspicion of promoting a revolution until he should
gain some additional strength from the conspirators there in the city.
But he made no headway at all, since Antonius shrank back through fear
and Lentulus was anything but energetic. Accordingly, he gave them
notice to assemble by night at a certain house, where he met them
without Metellus' knowledge and upbraided them for their timidity and
weakness. Next he set forth in detail the many penalties they would
suffer if they were detected and the many advantages they would obtain
if successful, and by this means encouraged and incited them to such a
point that two men promised to rush into Cicero's house at daybreak and
murder him there. This plot, too, was divulged, since Cicero, being a
man of great influence, and one who gained many followers through his
speeches, either by conciliation or by intimidation, had many men to
report such occurrences to him; and the senate voted that Catiline
should leave the city.
He gladly withdrew on this excuse, and went to Faesulae, where he took
up the war openly. Assuming the name and dress of the consuls, he
proceeded to organize the men previously collected by Manlius,
meanwhile gaining accession, first of freedmen, and then even of
slaves. The Romans accordingly convicted him of violence, and sent
Antonius to the war,— being ignorant, of course, of his part in the
conspiracy,— while they themselves changed their apparel. Cicero, too,
remained on the spot because of this crisis. For although he had drawn
the province of Macedonia, he neither set out for that country —
retiring in favour of his colleague because of his interest in the
prosecutions — nor yet for Hither Gaul, which he had obtained in its
place, in view of the existing situation. Instead, he charged himself
with the protection of the city, but sent Metellus to Gaul to prevent
Catiline from securing it.
It was extremely opportune for the Romans that he remained. For
Lentulus made preparations to burn down the city? and commit murder
with the aid of his fellow-conspirators and of Allobroges, who while
present on an embassy were persuaded to join him . . . Cicero arrested
the men sent to carry it out (?) and brought them with their letters
into the senate-chamber, where, by granting them immunity, he showed up
the whole conspiracy. As a consequence Lentulus was forced by the
senate to resign the praetorship, and was kept under guard along with
the others arrested while the other conspirators were being sought.
These measures were equally pleasing to the people, especially so,
because while Cicero was addressing them on the subject the statue of
Jupiter was set up on the Capitol, at the very time of the assembly,
and by instructions of the soothsayers was placed so as to face the
east and the Forum. For these seers had decided that some conspiracy
would be brought to light by the erection of the statue, and when its
setting up coincided with the discovery of the conspirators, the people
magnified the divine power and were the more angry at the accused.
Now a report spread that Crassus was also among them, and even one of
the men arrested gave this information; nevertheless, few believed it.
Some thought they had no right to suspect him of such a thing for the
moment; others regarded it as a story trumped up by the accused, in
order that they might thereby receive some aid from him, because he
possessed the greatest influence. And if it did seem credible to some,
at least they did not see fit to ruin one of their foremost men and to
disquiet the city still further. Consequently this charge fell through
utterly.
Now many slaves and freemen as well, some through fear and others out
of pity for Lentulus and the rest, made preparations to deliver them
all forcibly and rescue them from death. Cicero learned of this
beforehand and occupied the Capitol and the Forum by night with a
garrison. At dawn he received some divine inspiration to hope for the
best; for in the course of sacrifices conducted in his house by the
Vestals in behalf of the populace, the fire, contrary to custom, shot
up to a very great height. Accordingly, he ordered the praetors to
administer the oath of enlistment to the populace, in case there should
be any need of soldiers; meanwhile he himself convened the senate, and
by exciting and terrifying the members, he persuaded them to condemn to
death those who had been arrested.
Now the senators had been at variance, and had come near setting them
free. For while all before Caesar had voted that they should be put to
death, he expressed the opinion that they should be imprisoned and
placed in various cities after having their property confiscated, on
the condition that there should never be any further deliberation
concerning their pardon, and that if any one of them should escape, the
city from which he fled should be considered in the light of an enemy.
Then all who subsequently made known their views, until it came to
Cato, voted this same way, so that some of the first also changed their
minds. But the fact that Cato gave sentence of death against them
caused all the rest to vote similarly. So the conspirators were
punished by the decision of the majority, and a sacrifice and period of
festival over them was decreed — a thing that had never before happened
from any such case. Others also against whom information was lodged
were sought out, and some incurred suspicion and were called to account
for merely intending to join the conspiracy. The consuls conducted most
of the investigations, but Aulus Fulvius, a senator, was slain by his
own father; and the latter was not the only private individual, as some
think, who ever acted thus. There were many others, that is to say, not
only consuls, but private individuals as well, who slew their sons.
This was the course of affairs at that time.
The priestly elections, on motion of Labienus supported by Caesar, were
again referred by the plebs to the people, contrary to the law of
Sulla, but by a renewal of the law of Domitius. For Caesar at the death
of Metellus Pius was eager for his priesthood, although he was young
and had not yet served as praetor. Basing his hopes of it upon the
multitude, therefore, especially because he had helped Labienus against
Rabirius and had not voted for the death of Lentulus, he accomplished
his purpose and was elected pontifex maximus, in spite of the fact that
many others, and Catulus in particular, were his rivals for the honour.
This was because he showed himself perfectly ready to serve and flatter
everybody, even ordinary persons, and shrank from no speech or action
in order to get possession of the objects for which he strove. He did
not mind temporary grovelling when weighed against subsequent power,
and he cringed as before superiors to the very men whom he was
endeavouring to dominate.
Toward Caesar, accordingly, the masses were well disposed, for the
reasons given, but they were angry at Cicero for the death of the
citizens, and displayed their enmity in many ways. Finally, when on the
last day of his office he desired to present his account and defence of
all that he had done in his consulship,— for he certainly did take
great pleasure not only in being praised by others but also in
extolling himself,— they made him keep silent and did not allow him to
utter a word outside of his oath; in this they had Metellus Nepos, the
tribune, to aid them. Nevertheless, Cicero, doing his best to resist
them, added to his oath the statement that he had saved the city; and
for this he incurred much greater hatred.
Catiline perished at the very opening of the year in which Junius
Silanus and Lucius Licinius held office. For a while, although he had
no small force, he had watched the movements of Lentulus and delayed,
in the hope that if Cicero and his adherents should be slain in time he
could easily carry out his remaining plans. But when he ascertained
that Lentulus had perished and that many of his followers had deserted
for that reason, he was compelled to risk all on a battle, especially
since Antonius and Metellus Celer, who were besieging Faesulae, did not
allow him to advance anywhere. As the two were encamped separately, he
proceeded against Antonius, in spite of the fact that this leader was
superior to Metellus in rank and was accompanied by a larger force. He
did this because he had hopes that Antonius would let himself be beaten
in view of his part in the conspiracy. The latter, who suspected this,
no longer felt kindly toward Catiline, because he was weak; for most
men form both friendships and enmities with reference to others'
influence and their own advantage. Furthermore, being afraid that
Catiline, when he saw them fighting with a will, might utter some
reproach and reveal some of their secrets, he pretended to be ill, and
entrusted the conduct of the battle to Marcus Petreius. This commander
joined battle with the rebels and in a very bloody contest cut down
Catiline and three thousand others as they fought most bravely; for not
one of them fled, but every man fell at his post. Even the victors
mourned the common loss, inasmuch as they had destroyed, however
justly, so many and such brave men, who were citizens and allies in
spite of all. Antonius sent Catiline's head to the city in order that
the people might be assured of his death and have no further fear. He
himself was acclaimed imperator for the victory, although the slain
fell below the required number. Sacrifices were also decreed, and the
people changed their raiment to signify their deliverance from all
dangers.
Nevertheless, the allies who had shared in the undertaking with
Catiline and still survived did not remain quiet, but through fear of
punishment proceeded to stir up rebellion. Against each division of
them praetors were sent, who overcame them promptly, while they were
still more or less scattered, and punished them. Others who had been
avoiding observation were convicted and condemned on information
furnished by Lucius Vettius, a knight, who had taken part in the
conspiracy but now on promise of immunity revealed the participants.
This went on until, after having accused some men and written their
names on a tablet, he desired the privilege of adding various others.
The senators suspected that he was up to some mischief and would not
give him the document again for fear he should erase some of the names,
but bade him mention orally all he claimed to have omitted. Then in
shame and fear he named only a few others. Since even then there was
excitement in the city and among the allies through ignorance of the
persons named, and some were needlessly troubled about themselves,
while some incorrectly suspected others, the senate decreed that the
names should be published. As a result the innocent regained their
composure and the accused were brought to trial; the latter were
condemned, some being present and others letting their cases go by
default.
Such was the career of Catiline and such his downfall; but he gained a
greater name than his deeds deserved, owing to the reputation of Cicero
and the speeches he delivered against him. Cicero, on his side, came
near being tried then and there for the killing of Lentulus and the
other prisoners. This charge, though technically brought against him,
was really directed against the senate. For its members were violently
denounced before the populace, especially by Metellus Nepos, on the
ground that they had no right to condemn any citizen to death without
the consent of the people. Nevertheless, Cicero escaped on this
occasion. For the senate granted immunity to all those who had
administered affairs during that period, and further proclaimed that if
any one should dare to call one of them to account later, he should be
regarded as a personal and public enemy; so that Nepos was afraid and
made no further trouble.
This was not the senate's only victory. Nepos had moved that Pompey,
who was still in Asia, be summoned with his army, ostensibly for the
purpose of bringing order out of the existing confusion, but really in
the hope that he himself might through him gain power amid the
disturbances he was causing, because Pompey favoured the multitude; but
the senators prevented this motion from being adopted. In the first
place, Cato and Quintus Minucius, the tribunes, vetoed the proposition
and stopped the clerk who was reading the motion. Then when Nepos took
the document to read it himself, they took it away, and when even then
he undertook to speak extempore, they stopped his mouth. The result was
that a battle waged with clubs and stones and even swords took place
between them, in which some others joined, assisting one side or the
other. Therefore the senators met in the senate-house that very day,
changed their raiment and gave the consuls charge of the city, that it
might suffer no harm. Then Nepos once more became afraid and
immediately retired from their midst; subsequently, after publishing
some piece of writing against the senate, he set out to join Pompey,
although he had no right to be absent from the city for a single night.
After this occurrence not even Caesar, who was now praetor, ventured
any further innovation. He had been endeavouring to secure the removal
of the name of Catulus from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, charging
him with embezzlement and demanding an account of the expenditures he
had made, and to have Pompey entrusted with the construction of the
remainder of the edifice; for many parts, considering the size and
character of the work, were but half finished, or at any rate Caesar
pretended this was the case, in order that Pompey might gain the glory
for its completion and inscribe his own name instead. Caesar was not so
anxious, however, to do him a favour that he would run the risk of
having passed against himself any such decree as that concerning Nepos.
For it was not really for Pompey's sake that he was doing this, but in
order that he himself might win over the populace even by this means.
And yet all stood in such feat of Pompey, seeing that it was not yet
clear whether he would give up his legions, that when he sent ahead
Marcus Piso, his lieutenant, to seek the consulship, they postponed the
elections so that he might attend them; and on his arrival they elected
him unanimously. For Pompey had recommended the man not only to his
friends, but also to his enemies.
It was at this time that Publius Clodius debauched Caesar's wife in
Caesar's own house and during the performance of the rites which
according to ancestral custom the Vestals carried out at the residences
of consuls and praetors out of sight of the whole male population.
Caesar brought no charge against him, understanding well that on
account of his associates he would not be convicted; but he divorced
his wife, telling her that he did not really believe the story, but
that he could no longer live with her inasmuch as she had once been
suspected of committing adultery; for a chaste wife not only must not
err, but must not even incur any evil suspicion.
Following these events the stone bridge, called the Fabrician, leading
to the little island in the Tiber, was constructed. The next year, in
the consulship of Piso and Marcus Messalla, the optimates showed their
hatred of Clodius and at the same time made expiation for his crime by
bringing him to trial, since the pontifices had decided that in view of
his act the rites had not been duly performed and should be repeated.
He was accused of adultery, in spite of Caesar's silence, and of mutiny
at Nisibis, and furthermore of holding guilty relations with his
sister; yet he was acquitted, although the jurymen had requested and
obtained of the senate a guard to prevent their suffering any harm at
his hands. With reference to this Catulus jestingly remarked that they
had asked for the guard, not in order to condemn Clodius with safety,
but in order to save for themselves the money which they had received
in bribes. Now Catulus died shortly afterwards; he was a man who
always, more conspicuously than any one who ever lived, preferred the
common weal to everything else. That year the censors enrolled in the
senatorial body all who had attained office, even beyond the legal
number. At this time, too, the populace, which hitherto had watched the
gladiatorial contests without any intermission, went out for lunch in
the course of the entertainment. This practice, which began at that
time, is continued even now, whenever the person in charge exhibits
games. This was the course of affairs in the city.
The Allobroges were devastating Gallia Narbonensis, and Gaius
Pomptinus, the governor, sent his lieutenants against the enemy, while
he himself took up his quarters at a convenient spot for keeping watch
of what occurred, so that he might be able of give them opportune
advice and assistance, as their advantage might from time to time
dictate. Manlius Lentinus made a campaign against the city of Valentia
and so terrified the inhabitants that the majority ran away and the
rest sent ambassadors regarding peace. Just then the country population
coming to their aid suddenly fell upon him; and he was repulsed from
the wall, but ravaged the land with impunity until Catugnatus, the
leader of their whole tribe, with some of those dwelling along the
Isara came to their aid. For the time being he did not dare to hinder
them from crossing, by reason of the number of their boats, for fear
they might gather in a body on seeing the Romans arrayed against them.
As the country was wooded, however, right down to the river bank, he
planted ambuscades there, and captured and destroyed the men as fast as
they crossed. While following up some fugitives he fell in with
Catugnatus himself, and would have perished with all his force, had not
a violent storm suddenly come up and prevented the barbarians from
pursuing. Later, when Catugnatus had retired to some distant point,
Lentinus overran the country again and destroyed the town before which
he had met with his reverse. Lucius Marius and Servius Galba crossed
the Rhone and after ravaging the possessions of the Allobroges finally
reached the city of Solonium and occupied a strong position commanding
it. They conquered their opponents in battle and also set fire to
portions of the town, which was partly constructed of wood; they did
not capture it, however, being prevented by the arrival of Catugnatus.
Pomptinus, on learning of this, proceeded against the place with his
entire army, besieged it, and got possession of the defenders, with the
exception of Catugnatus. After that he or easily subjugated the
remaining districts.
At this time Pompey entered Italy and had Lucius Afranius and Metellus
Celer appointed consuls, vainly hoping that through them he could
effect whatever he desired. He wished in particular to have some land
given to his soldiers and to have all his acts approved; but he failed
of these objects at that time. For, in the first place, the optimates,
who even before this had not been pleased with him, prevented the
questions from being brought to vote. And as for the consuls
themselves, Afranius, who understood how to dance better than to
transact any business, did not assist him at all, and Metellus, in
anger that Pompey had divorced his sister in spite of having had
children by her, vigorously opposed him in everything. Moreover, Lucius
Lucullus, whom Pompey had once treated with contempt when he met him in
Galatia, was very bitter against him, demanding that he render an
account individually and separately of everything that he had done
instead of asking for the approval of all his acts at once. He
maintained that it was only fair, in any case, that Pompey's acts, as
to the character of which no one knew anything, should not all be
confirmed by a single vote, as if they were the acts of a master. And
since Pompey had furthermore set aside some of Lucullus' own
arrangements, he demanded that an investigation of the acts of each
should be made in the senate, in order that they might ratify whichever
suited them. He was strongly supported by Cato and Metellus and the
rest, who were of the same mind with them. Accordingly, when the
tribune who moved that land be assigned to the followers of Pompey
added to the measure a provision that grants should be made to all the
citizens likewise, in order that they might more readily accept this
particular feature and also ratify Pompey's acts, Metellus contested
every point with him and attacked him so persistently that the latter
had him put in prison. Then Metellus wished to assemble the whole
senate there. When the other, whose name was Lucius Flavius, set the
tribune's bench at the very entrance of the cell, and sitting upon it,
offered an obstacle to anyone's entrance, Metellus ordered the wall of
the prison to be cut through so that the senate might gain entrance
through it, made preparations to pass the night on the spot. When
Pompey learned of this, he was ashamed as well as afraid that the
people might take offence, and so directed Flavius to withdraw. He
spoke as if this were a request from Metellus, but was not believed;
for the latter's pride was well known to all. Indeed, Metellus would
not give his consent when the other tribunes wished to set him free.
Nor would he yield even when Flavius later threatened that he would not
allow him to go out to the province which he had drawn unless he would
permit the law to be passed; on the contrary, he was very glad to
remain in the city.
Pompey, therefore, when he could accomplish nothing because of Metellus
and the rest, declared that they were jealous of him and that he would
make this clear to the plebs. Fearing, however, that he might fail of
their support also, and so incur still greater shame, he abandoned his
demands. Thus he learned that he did not possess any real power, but
merely the name and envy resulting from his former authority, while in
point of fact he received no benefit from it; and he repented of having
let his legions go so soon and of having put himself in the power of
his enemies.
Clodius' hatred of the optimates led him after the trial to desire to
be tribune, and he induced some of those who held that office to move
that the patricians also be given a share in it. As he could not bring
this about, he abjured his patrician rank and assumed instead the
status of the plebs, and even entered their assembly. He immediately
sought the tribuneship, but was not elected, owing to the opposition of
Metellus, who was related to him and did not like his actions. The
excuse that Metellus gave was that the transfer of Clodius had not been
in accordance with tradition; for this change might be made only after
the introduction of a lex curiata. Thus ended this episode.
Since the taxes were proving oppressive to the city and the rest of
Italy, the law that abolished them was acceptable to all. The senators,
however, were angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos) and
wished to erase his name from the law, entering another one instead.
And although this plan was not carried out, it was still made clear to
all that they received not even benefits gladly from base men. About
this same time Faustus, the son of Sulla, gave a gladiatorial contest
in memory of his father and entertained the people brilliantly,
furnishing them with baths and oil gratis.
While these things were happening in the city, Caesar had obtained the
government of Lusitania after his praetorship; and though he might
without any great labour have cleared the land of brigandage, which
probably always existed there, and then have kept quiet, he was
unwilling to do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey and his
other predecessors who at one time or another had had great power, and
his aspirations were anything but small; in fact, he hoped, if he
should at this time accomplish something, to be chosen consul
immediately and to display mighty achievements. He was especially
encouraged in this hope by the fact that while at Gades, when quaestor,
he had dreamed of intercourse with his mother, and had learned from the
seers that he should enjoy great power. Hence, on beholding there a
likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Hercules, he had
groaned aloud, lamenting that he had performed no great deed as yet.
Accordingly, though he might have been at peace, as I have said, he
proceeded to the Herminian Mountains and ordered the inhabitants to
move into the plain, in order, as he claimed, that they might not use
their fastnesses as a base for marauding expeditions, but really
because well he knew that they would never do what he asked, and that
as a result he should have some ground for war. This was exactly what
happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms, he overcame them.
When some of their neighbours, fearing that he would march against them
too, carried off their children and wives and most valuable possessions
out of the way across the Durius, he first occupied their cities, while
they were thus engaged, and next joined battle with the men themselves.
They put their herds in front of them, with the intention of attacking
the Romans when the latter should scatter to seize the cattle; but
Caesar, neglecting the animals, attacked the me and conquered them.
Meanwhile he learned that the inhabitants of the Herminian Mountains
had withdrawn and were intending to ambush him as he returned. So for
the time being he withdrew by another road, but later marched against
them and, being victorious, pursued them in flight to the ocean. When,
however, they abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island, he
stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not large; but he put
together some rafts, by means of which he sent on a part of his army,
and lost a number of men. For the man in command of them landed at a
breakwater near the island and disembarked the troops, thinking they
could cross over on foot, when he was forced off by the returning tide
and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All but one of them died
bravely defending themselves; Publius Scaevius, the only one to
survive, after losing his shield and receiving many wounds, leaped into
the water and escaped by swimming. Such was the result of that attempt;
later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades, crossed over to the island
with his whole army, and reduced the people there without a blow, as
they were hard pressed for want of food. Thence sailing along to
Brigantium, a city of Callaecia, he alarmed the people, who had never
before seen a fleet, by the breakers which his approach to land caused,
and subjugated them.
On accomplishing this he thought he had gained thereby a sufficient
stepping-stone to the consulship and set out hastily for the elections
even before his successor arrived. He decided to seek the office even
before holding his triumph, since it was not possible to celebrate this
beforehand. But being refused a triumph, since Cato opposed him with
might and main, he let that pass, hoping to perform many more and
greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs, if elected
consul. For besides the omens previously related, which always gave him
great confidence, was the fact that a horse of his had been born with
clefts in the hoofs of its fore feet, and carried him proudly, whereas
it could not endure any other rider. Consequently his expectations were
of no slight magnitude, so that he willingly gave up the triumph and
entered the city to canvass for office. Here he courted Pompey and
Crassus and the rest so skilfully that though they were still at enmity
with each other, and had their political clubs, and though each opposed
everything that he saw the other wished, he won them over and was
unanimously elected by them all. And yet this argues the greatest
shrewdness on his part that he should have known and arranged the
occasions and the amount of his services to them so well as to attach
both to himself when they were working against each other.
He was not even content with this, but actually reconciled the men
themselves, not because he was desirous that they should agree, but
because he saw that they were most powerful. He understood well that
without the aid of both, or at least of one, he could never come to any
great power; and if he made a friend of either one of them alone, he
would by that very fact have the other as his opponent and would meet
with more failures through him than successes through the support of
the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to him that all men work
more zealously against their enemies than they coöperate with
their friends, not merely on the principle that anger and hatred impel
more earnest endeavours than any friendship, but also because, when one
man is working for himself, and a second for another, success does not
involve the same degree of pleasure, or failure of pain, in the two
cases. On the other hand, he reflected that it was easier to stand in
people's way and prevent their reaching any prominence than to be
willing to lead them to great power, owing to the circumstance that he
who keeps another from becoming great pleases others as well as
himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him burdensome to both
sides.
These considerations led Caesar at that time to court their favour and
later to reconcile them with each other. For he did not believe that
without them he could ever gain any power or fail to offend one of them
some time, nor did he have any fear, on the other hand, of their
harmonizing their plans and so becoming stronger than he. For he
understood perfectly that he would master others at once through their
friendship, and a little later master them through each other. And so
it came about. Pompey and Crassus, the moment they really set about it,
made peace with each other, for reasons of their own, and they took
Caesar into partnership in their plans. For Pompey, on his side, was
not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that Crassus was in
power and that Caesar's influence was growing, feared that he should be
utterly overthrown by them; and he hoped that if he made them sharers
in present advantages, he should win back his old authority through
them. Crassus thought he ought to surpass all by reason of his family
as well as his wealth; and since he was far inferior to Pompey, and
thought that Caesar was going to rise to great heights, he desired to
set them in opposition to each other, in order that neither of them
should get the upper hand. He expected that they would be well-matched
antagonists, and that in this event he would get the benefit of the
friendship of both and gain honours beyond either of them. For without
supporting in all respects either the cause of the populace or that of
the senate he did everything to advance his own power. Accordingly he
paid court to both alike and avoided enmity with either, promoting in
turn whatever measures pleased either one to such an extent as was
likely to give him the credit for everything that went to the liking of
one or the other, without any share in more unpleasant issues.
Thus the three for these reasons formed their friendship and ratified
it with oaths, and then managed public affairs among themselves. Next
they gave to each other and received in turn one from another, whatever
they set their hearts on and whatever it suited them to do in view of
the circumstances. Their harmony caused an agreement also on the part
of their followers; these, too, did with impunity whatever they wished,
following the leadership of their chiefs in everything, so that very
little moderation was longer in evidence, and that only in Cato and a
few others who desired to seem to hold the same opinions as he did. For
no man of that day took part in public life from pure motives and free
from any desire of personal gain except Cato. Some, to be sure, were
ashamed of the things done, and others who strove to imitate him took a
hand in affairs now and then, and displayed some deeds similar to his;
but they did not persevere, since their efforts sprang from cultivation
of an attitude and not from innate virtue.
This was the condition into which these men brought the affairs of Rome
at that time, after concealing their alliance as long as possible. For
they did whatever they had decide on, while feigning and putting
forward utterly opposite motives, in order that they might still remain
undiscovered for a long period, until they should have made sufficient
preparations. Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, but then and
there revealed very plainly to those who could understand any such
signs all that was to result later because of them. For of a sudden
such a storm descended upon the whole city and all the country that
quantities of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses were
shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both near the city and at its
mouth were sunk, and the wooden bridge destroyed, and a theatre built
of timbers for some festival collapsed, and in the midst of all this
great numbers of human beings perished. These signs were revealed in
advance, as an image of what should befall the people both on land and
on water.
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